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Vol. VI 





X 69S9S6 

I Published bythe Salem Press Co. Salem, Mass. USA 

Wilt IHassadjusdte JHaijannc. 

A Quarterly cMagazine Devoted to History, Genealogy and Biography 

George Sheldon, 


Charles A. Flagg, 


Dr. Frank A. Gardner, 


Lucie M. Gakdnek, 

SALEM, M Lflfl. 

Albert \V Dennis, 


Issued in January, April, July and October. Subscription, $2.50 per year, Single copies, 75c 

Vol. VI 

JANUARY, 1913 

No. 1 

Ctmfntfs af flits Jasuc, 

Higginson-Skelton Migration to Salem in 1629 

Frank A. Gardner, M. D. 1 

Michigan Pioneers . Charles A. Flagg 20 

Reminiscences of Four Score Years Judge Francis M. Thompson 28 

Editorials 40 

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By Frank A. Gardner, M. D. 

The first two companies of Englishmen to take up their abode in Salem 
have been described by the author in previous articles in the Massachu- 
setts Magazine.* In this we consider the third and largest one; the one 
that furnished the men and means which made a permanent and successful 
settlement an assured fact. Just as the second migration to Salem under 
Endicott was a marked advance in the matter of equipment and financial 
support, over the little band of planters who came to Salem from Cape Ann 
in 1626 under Roger Conant, so this third company under the Reverends 
Higginson and Skelton was a vast deal better supplied than either of the 
others had been. The fact that the shrewd men of means in England were 
willing to invest large sums for the equipment of this third company was 
a most eloquent tribute to the industry and fortitude of the hardy men 
who had preceded them to the wilderness and had demonstrated that New 
England was a region of great possibilities. White in his '"Brief Relation" 
written in 1630,. proves this connection when he writes that ''His (Endi- 
cott's) prosperous journey, and safe arrival of himself and all his com- 
pany, and good report which he sent back of the country, gave such en- 
couragement to the work, that more adventurers joining with the first 
undertakers, and all engaging themselves more deeply for the prosecution 
of the design, they sent over the next year about three hundred persons 

more By this time the often agitation of this affair in sundry parts 

of the kingdom, the good report of Captain Endicott's government, and 
the increase of the Colony, began to awaken the spirits of some persons of 
competent estates, not formerly engaged." 

•This paper in slightly amended form was delivered by the author before the Old 
Planters Society at the Annual meeting in March. 1910. 


Governor Endicott, in his first letter to the officers of the company in 
England, dated September 13, 1628, and received by them February 13, 
1628-9, requested that more men and supplies and stock be sent over, for 
Governor Craddock in his reply dated February 16, 1628-9, wrote: "to give 
you hearty thanks for your large advice contained in this your letter, 
which I have fully imparted unto them, and further to certify to you that 
they intend not to be wanting- by all good means to further the plantation. 
To which purpose, (God willing,) you shall hear more at large (from) 
them, and that speedily ; there being one ship bought for the Company, of 
100 tons, and two other? hired, of about 200 tons each of them, one of 19, 
and the other 20 pieces of ordnance; besides, not unlike but one other 
vessel shall come in company with these; in all which ships, for the gene- 
ral stock and for particular adventures, there is likely to be sent thither 
'twixt 2 and 300 persons, (we hope to reside there,) and about 100 head 
of cattle." He mentioned the fact that he had forwarded to Governor En- 
dicott in November. 1628, by Mr. Allerton, a letter in which he stated that 
the company desired Endicott to provide "convenient housing fit to lodge 
as many as you can against they do come; and withal what beaver, or 
other commondities, or fish, (if you have the means to preserve it,) can be 
gotten ready to return in the aforesaid ships ; likewise wood, if no better 
lading be to be had ;... .whereby our ships, whereof two are to return 
back directly hither, may not come wholly empty." In closing he wrote; 
"And so till my next, which shall be, (God willing,) by our ships, who 1 
make account will be ready to set sail from here about the 20th of this next 
month of March." As a matter of record however, they did not sail until 
the middle of April. 

In the above mentioned letter, Governor Craddock states that "It is 
fully resolved, by r God's assistance, to send over two ministers,, at the 
least, with the ships now intended to be sent thither." He mentioned Mr. 
Peters but stated that "he is now in Holland, from whence his return hither 
I hold to be uncertain. Those we send you, shall be by the approbation of 
Mr. White, of Dorchester, and Mr. Davenport." 

The records of the company show that at a meeting held March 2^, 
1628, "intimation was given by Mr. Nowell, by letters from Mr. Isaac 
Johnson, that Mr. Higgeson, of Leicester, an able minister, proflfers to 
go to our plantation; who being approved for a reverend, grave minister, 
fit for our present occasions, it was thought by those present to entreat 
Mr. John Humfry to ride to Leicester, and if Mr. Higgeson may conve- 
niently be had to go this present voyage, that he should deal with him; 
first, if his remove from hence be without scandal to that people, and ap- 
proved by consent of some of the best afifected among them, with the ap- 
probation of Mr. Hildersham, of Ashby-de-la-Zouch." This Mr. Hilder- 
sham referred to has been called "a great and shining light of the Puritan 


party, and justly celebrated for his singular learning and piety." Mr. 
Higginson was found to be satisfactory to all concerned. In the letter of 
instructions to Governor Endicott he was described as a "grave man, and 
of worthy commendations." Concerning the other leader of this com- 
pany, we read in the same letter: "One of them is well known to your- 
self, viz. Mr. Skelton, whom we have the rather desired to bear a part in 
this work, for that we are informed yourself have formerly received much 
good by his ministry." A third minister was sent in the employ of the 
company, "Mr. Bright, some times trained up under Mr. Davenport." 

Other prominent men selected to go were Mr. Samuel Sharp, "by us 
entertained to be master-gunner of our ordinance:" Mr. Thomas Graves, 
the engineer, "a man commended to us as well for his honesty, as skill in 
many things very useful ;" and Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon, "to remain 
with you in the service of the Plantation." The large majority of the men 
selected to come were artisans such as carpenters, shipwrights, wheel- 
wrights, shoemakers, hunters and others whose labors would be of espec- 
ial value in the establishment of a permanent settlement. The company 
was said (in a quatotion which Prince gives) to number "Sixty women 
and maids, 26 children, and 300 men, with victuals, arms, apparel, tools, 
T40 head of cattle, &c, in the Lord Treasurer's warrant." The early spring 
days of 1629, must have been exceedingly busy ones for the promoters of 
this enterprise who w r ere purchasing and loading supplies of all kinds. 
Space forbids us to give more that brief mention of the many articles 
which appear in the lists made out by Mr. Washburne the secretary. 
Great skill and foresight was displayed in the make-up of the cargoes. The 
ships were ballasted with "2 loads of chalk, to thousand of bricks, 5 chal- 
drons of sea-coals, nails, one ton of iron, 2 fagots of steel, 1 fodder (about 
i f co to 2000 pounds) of lead, 1 barrel of red lead, with salt, sail-cloth and 

Articles of wearing apparel for 100 men were purchased which in- 
cluded 400 pairs of shoes, 300 pairs of stockings, 200 suits of doublets and 
hose, of leather, lined with oilskin leather, 100 waistcoats of green cot- 
ton, bound with red tape. 500 red knit caps and many other things in 
proportion. The soldiers were to wear the following uniforms of which 
one hundred were sent ; 100 mandalions lined with white cotton, breeches 
and waist coats, and leather doublets and hose. For the military equip- 
ment of these hundred fighting men, they provided 3 drums, 2 ensigns, 2 


partisans for captain and lieutenant, 3 halberds for three sergeants. 90 
muskets of various kinds specified, 10 fowling pieces, 90 bandoliers for the 
muskets each with a bullet bag, 10 horn flasks for the long fowling-pieces, 
100 swords and belts, 60 corslets, 60 pikes, twenty half pikes, 8 pieces of 
land ordnance for the fort, 12 barrels of powder, 900 pounds of shot and 
great shot in proportion to the ordnance. 

The list of provisions included 45 tuns of beer, 22 hogsheads of beef, 
40 bushels of pease, 10 firkins of butter and manv other articles too numer- 
ous to mention. 

Francis Higginson put us under deep obligations to him, when he 
wrote the account of this voyage which proved to be so important to the 
welfare and preservation of New England. 

The beginning of this record contains so much of interest that I will 
quote from it as follows ; 

"A True Relacon of ye last voyage to New England made ye last 
Sumer, begun ye 25th of April being Saturday, Anno Doi 1629. 

The company of New England consisting of many worthy gentlemen 
in ye citty of London, Dorchester & other places, ayming at ye glory of 
God, ye propagacon of ye gospell of Christ, ye conversion of ye Indians, 
& ye enlargemt of ye Kings maties dominions in America, & being' author- 
ised by his royall letters patents for yt end, at their very great costs & 
chardgs furnished 5 Ships to go to new England, for ye further setling of 
ye English plantacon yt had already begun there. 

The names of ye 5 Shipps were as followeth. The first is called ye 
Talbot, a good & strong shipp of 300 tunnes, & 19 pieces of ordinance & 
served wth 30 mariners. This ship carried about an too planters, 6 goates, 
5 great pieces of ordinance, wth meale, oatemeale, pease, & all maner of 
munitio and provisio for ye plantacon for a twelve month. The second ye 
George, another strong ship also, about 300 tunnes, 20 pieces of ordinance, 
served wth about 30 mariners; her chiefe carriage were cattell, 12 mares, 
30 kyne, & some goates : also ther gad in her 52 planters & other provision. 
The 3d is called ye Lyons whelpe, a neate Sz nimble ship of 120 tunnes, 8 
pieces of ordinance, carrying in her many mariners and about 40 planters, 
specially from dorchester & other places thereabouts, wth provision, and 
4 goates. 

The 4th is called ye 4 sisters, as I heare of about 300 tuns, wch fayre 
ship carried many cattell wth passengera & provision. 


The 5th is called ye Mayflower, carrying passengers and provision. 

Now amongst these 5 ships, ye George hauing the speciall & urgent 
cause of hastening her passage sett sayle before ye rest about ye midst of 
April. And ye 4 Sisters & ye Mayflower being not thoroughly furnished, 
intended as we heard to sett forth about 3 weeks after us: But we yt 
were in ye Talbot 8z ye Lions whelpe being ready for voyage by ye 
good hand of God's providence hoysed or sayle fro Graues and on Satur- 
day ye 25th of April about 7 o'clock in ye morning. Having but a faynt 
wynd we could not go farre yt day, but at night wee ancred against Lie 
wch is 12 miles fro graues end & there we rested yt night & kept Sabbath 
ye next day." They slowly worked their way along the coast and May 5th 
Mr. Higginson and his wife and daughter Mary and others went on shore 
near Yarmouth remaining there while the ship added provisions until 
Saturday the 9th when they returned to the ship. The final start was 
made on the nth. 

The daily journal of the voyage which Mr. Higginson kept is exceed- 
ingly interesting but space forbids our quoting further from it excepting 
the record of the last day of the voyage which reads as follows; 

"Monday (June 29) we came from Capan, to go to Naimkecke, the 
wind northerly. I should have told you before that the planters spying 
our English colours the Governour sent a shalop with 2 men on Saturday 
to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Capan ; and this day, 
by God's blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult 
entrance into the large spacious harbour of Naimkecke. And as we 
passed along it was wonderful to behould so many islands replenished 
with thicke wood and high trees, and many faire green pastures. And 
being come into the harbour we saw the George to our great comfort then 
being come on Tuesday which was 7 daies before us. We rested that 
night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long 
and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world. 

June 30. The next morning the governor came aboard to our ship. 
•and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wiffe to come on 
?hoare, and take our lodging in his house which we did accordingly." 

Visitors to Salem will attest that first impressions of the place are 
eagerly sought by the inhabitants and we are pleased to record what some 
of the members of this company thought of the place. Francis Higgin- 
son after narrating the beauties and advantages of Xaumkeag. wrote: 


'"Thus we see both Land and Sea abound with stores of blessings for the 
comfortable sustenance of Man's life." and Thomas Graves in a letter to 
England wrote; "Thus much I can arTirme in generall, that I neucr came 
in a more goodly Country in all my life, all tiling considered:.... I 
never saw except in Hungaria, unto which I always paralell this countrie, 
in all or most respects, for everything that is heere eyther sow ne or planted 

prospereth far better than in old England The healthfulness of the 

countrie far exceedeth all parts that ever I have been in." 

Mr. Higginson closed his "Relation of New England" with the follow- 
ing account; 

"When we came first to Nehum-kek, we found about half a score 
houses, and a fair house newly built for the Governor. We found also 
abundance of corn planted by them, very good and well liking. And we 
brought with us about two hundred passengers and planters more, which, 
by common consent of the old planters, were all combined together into 
one body politic, under the same Governor. There are in all of us. both 
old and new planters, about three hundred, whereof two hundred of them 
jure settled at Xehum-kek- now called Salem, and the rest have planted 
themselves at Massathulets Bay, beginning to build a town there, which 
we do call Cherton or Charlestown. 

We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, 
so that within a short time we shall have a fair town. We have great 
ordnance, wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortify ourselves in a 
short time to keep out a potent adversary. But that which is our greatest 
comfort and means of defence above all others, is that we have here the 
true religion and holy ordinances of Almighty God taught amongst us." 

The account of what transpired at Salem during the following year 
has already been given in the address upon John Endicott and his com- 
pany, while the settlement of Charlestown has been narrated in the ''Set- 
tlers About Boston Prior to 1630." 

We will now consider briefly, the men who came in this migration 
of 1629. 

JOHN BAKER, went to Charlestown in 1620. It is probable that he 
was in some way connected with the large island in Salem harbor bearing 


that name, for John Winthrop in his journal under date of June 12, 1630, 
wrote ; 

"As we stood toward the harbour, we saw another shallop coming to 
us; so we stood in to meet her, and passed through the narrow strait be- 
tween Baker's isle and Little Isle, and came to an anchor a little within 
the islands." 

THOMAS BEARD, aged 30 in 1629, unmarried, shoemaker, was rec- 
ommended to have 50 acres of land, "as one that transports himself at his 
own charge." He brought with him in the Mayflower, "divers hides, both 
for soles and upper leathers, which he intends to make up in boots and 
shoes there in the country." He was made a freeman in Salem, May 10, 
1643. In the following year he bought a house and land of Nicholas 
Shapleigh at Strawberry Bank, (Portsmouth). His will dated 16 Dec, 
1678, was presented 25 March, 1679. Pope's "Pioneers of New Hampshire,'' 
Page 15. 

ALICE BECKLY or BEGGERLY. wife of John Beggerly, who did 
not come over and from whom she was seeking a divorce. She was a 
member of Rev. Samuel Skelton's household in 1634 and had been in the 
country six years in 1636. Eben Futnam states in the Genealogical Bulle- 
tin, that as Alice Daniel, she married John Greene of Providence. 

Goodman BLACK. A child of his "which had a consumpcon be- 
fore it came to shipp, dyed," on the passage. We can find no further 
record of him. 

WILLIAM BRACKENBURY was at Charlestown in 1629, and prob- 
ably came with this company. He was a brother of Richard who came in 
1628 with John Endicott. William died in 1668, aged 66 years. He was 
a baker and became one of the principal men of Maiden. Freeman, 1630. 

THOMAS BRUDE or BRAND was a cleaver of timber, "entertained 
by us in halves with Mr. Craddock, our Governor." 

REVEREND FRANCIS BRIGHT came in the Lion's Whelp, and 
went with the party to Charlestown. His record has been given in "The 
Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 1630." 


JOHN BROWNE, Gentleman and Mr. SAMUEL BROWNE his 
brother of Roxwell, England, came at their own charge. They were con- 
formists to the Church of England and for attempting to form a church 
party in Salem were sent back to England by Governor Endicott. A full 
account of the controversy has been given in the paper upon "John Endi- 
cott and the Men W.ho Came to Salem in the Abigail in 1628."* 

BARNABY CLAYDON aged twenty-three, came from Sutton, Bed- 
fordshire. He was a wheelwright by trade. In the company's second gen- 
eral letter he was directed to work for Mr. Sharp. Felt in his "Annals" 
states that his house was in the angle in what is now Gedney's Court but 
the speaker has been unable to verify that statement. Mr. Sidney Perley in 
his admirable maps and notes on early Salem fails to confirm it. 

RICHARD CLAYDON aged thirty-four brought his wife, daughter 
sister and the above-named brother with him. He was a carpenter and 
wheelwright by trade and came under contract to work, said document 
bearing date of March 12, 1628. He was to instruct the company's ser- 
vants in the trade of a ploughwright. 

EDWARD CONVERSE evidently came with this company for he 
was in Charlestown in 1629. He moved to Woburn later and lived in the 
south village, now Winchester, at the mill once called by his name. He 
died in that town, August to, 1663, aged seventy-five. Further notes about 
him have already been published in the "Settlers About Boston Bay 
Prior to 1630." Eben Putnam in the Genealogical Bulletin, calls atten- 
tion to the fact that the line of descent given in the Converse genealogy is 

WILLIAM DADY, a butcher by trade was in Charlestown in 1630, 
and Wyman thinks .that he may have come with the Migginson Company 
in 1629. He testified many years later that he aided in building the bat- 
tery at Charlestown with bricks and sod. He was attorney for Mrs. 
Palsgrave before March 17, 1656. He died April 10, 1682, aged 77 years. 

CAPTAIN WILLIAM DIXEY became one of the most prominent 
men in Beverly, holding many offices of honor and trust during his 
long life He was made a freeman, May 14, 1634. He was authorized 


to keep a "horse boat ferry," ii (10) 1636. In that year he was 
called "Sergeant" Dixey in the Salem Town Records. In 1645, Ensign 
Dixey was chosen on the Grand Jury in Salem. In 1665 he was called 
"Lieutenant" in the Beverly Records and "Captain" in the same records in 
1677. His will dated February 21, 1684, was probated June 24. 1690. 
His deposition, made in 1681, is one of the most valuable documents which 
have been handed down to us, throwing much light upon the relations 
of the first settlers of Salem and their Indian neighbors. It has been pub- 
lished in Felt's Annals of Salem," First Edition, and reprinted in "The 
Old Planters at Salem" an early publication of the Old Planters Society. 

WILLIAM DODGE, was the son of John and Margery Dodge of 
Somersetshire. In the second letter of instruction to Governor Endicott, 
dated London, May 28, 1629, the secretary stated that Mr. White wished 
to have the following direction inserted ; "That you would show all lawful 
favor and respect unto the planters that come in the Lion's Whelp, out of 
the Counties of Dorset and Somerset, that you would appoint unto William 
Dodge, a skilful and painful husbandman, the charge of a team of horses." 
He bought 200 acres of land 28 (7) 1644. His house was at the head of 
Bass River in Beverly, at which place he dammed the stream and estab- 
lished a mill The old road leading down to it can still be made out near 
Balch Street and a portion of the dam is still intact The cellar hole of 
his house has been easily made out until a few years ago when the site 
was levelled for the grounds of the new club house of the U. S. M. C. He 
became a prominent man in Beverly and died between 1685 and 1690. 

WILLIAM EEDES, came as a servant to Sir Richard Saltonstall. He 
was a carpenter or wheelwright. 

RICHARD EWSTEAD a wheelwright came commended by Mr. Dav- 
enport to work on shares for the company and Governor Craddock. In 
the company's letter he is described as "a very able man, though not 
without his imperfections. We pray you take notice of him and regard 
him as he shall well deserve." Eben Putnam calls attention to the fact 
that there was a "William Eustis" in Boston, later, of the next generation. 
The writer believes that the latter was in no way related to Richard. 

GEORGE FARR was a shipwright, sent over under contract. He set- 


tied at Lynn, and was a freeman in 1635. ^ e deposed in 1657, aged 63. 
He died October 24, 1662. 

HUGH GARRETT became an inhabitant of Charlestown in 1629 and 
was the tenth on the list of the first thirteen. He was a shoemaker and 
perished in a storm January 28, 1630-1. His daughter Hannah died "a 
fatherless child" 12 month, 1632. 

MR. GOFFE is mentioned, (probably Deputy Governor Thomas Goffe) 
He never came over but his dog evidently started for in the journal of the 
voyage we read that on May 26th "Mr. Goffes great dogg fell over board 
& could not be recouered." 

MR. THOMAS GRAVES the engineer was one of the most valuable 
and useful men of this migration. He was to "have his charges borne, 
out and home ; being a man of experience in iron works, in salt works, 
in measuring and surveying of lands, and in fortifications, &c, in lead. 
copper, and alum mines." He was chosen a member of Governor Endi- 
cott's Council, April 30, 1629. He requested admission, October 19, 1630 
and was made freeman, May 18, 1631. Wyman tells us that he lived in 
Charlestown near the Cambridge line in 1633. His valuable service in lay- 
ing out the town of Charlestown has been narrated in the address upon the 
"Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 1630." He must not be confounded 
with Thomas Graves, mate of the Talbot who later was known as Rear 

THOMAS HANSCOMBE was brother-in-law of Richard Claydon and 
was mentioned as one of a number to come with him. We find no further 
record of him and do not know that he actually came. 

RICHARD H AWARD from Bedfordshire, was mentioned as a man 
who wouid "well and orderly demean" himself. He was sent over with 
his family to Salem in 1629, by the Massachusetts Bay Company. He had 
a grant of a house plot in Boston, 19, (12) 1637-8, according to Pope in 
his Pioneers of Massachusetts. 

HENRY HAUGHTON was the first Ruling Elder of the church at 
Salem. According to the instruction of the company he was to take Mr. 
Samuel Sharpe's place in various ways if the latter should be sick or ab- 
sent. He died in the first winter, leaving one child. 


REVEREND FRANCIS HIGGINSON the leader of this migration 
was the son of Reverend John Higginson, Vicar of Claybrooke, Leister- 
shire, and was baptized at that place August 6, 1586. He was educated 
at Jesus College, taking his B. A. degree in 1609 and his M. A. in 1613. 
He was ordained deacon September 25, 1614 and priest on the 8th of the 
following December. He was installed to the rectory of Barton-in-Fabis, 
Nottingham County and deanery of Brigham, which he resigned August 4, 
1616. Mr. E. C. Felton states that it is certain that Francis Higginson, al- 
though he had the rectory of Barton-in-Fabis conferred upon him, was 
never inducted and therefore never received any of the fruits of the bene- 
fice nor, w r e may take it discharged any of the duties. His successor was 
instituted, on his resignation just a year afterwards, April 4, 1616. He 
further goes on to state that "The record of Higginson's institution states, 
in the accustomed form, that a mandate was sent to the Archbishop to in- 
duct him, so that failure to act upon it can only have arisen because Hig- 
ginson himself did not seek induction." Later he was connected with the 
parish of St. Nicholas. Colonel Thomas Wentworth in his "Descendants 
of the Reverand Francis Higginson" states "it is clear that he became 
more and more dissatisfied with the Established Church as it then was, 
until finally he became f a conscientious non-conformist.' ' The story of 
his connection with the Massachusetts Bay Company has been given in 
the historical section of this address. He founded at Salem, the first 
church in the Massachusetts Bay Colony and did us an invaluable service 
in his writings. He contracted consumption probably on board the ship 
from other cases which he mentions as occuring among the passengers, 
and died deeply lamented August 6, 1630. His son, Reverend John, later 
distinguished himself in his father's pulpit. Our late lamented president 
compiled an excellent genealogy of this distinguished family. 

SIMON HOYTE evidently came with this company as his name 
appears in the list of the original thirteen in Charlestown. His record has 
been given in the address on the "Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 

RICHARD INGERSOL came from Bedfordshire and was commended 
in the company's letter. He received from the town a grant of two acres 
for a house lot April 6, 1635, and in the following year eighty acres more. 


December 23, 1639, an additional grant of twenty acres of meadow was 
added to this gTeat meadow. "The 16th of the nth mo. 1636, it is agreed 
that Richard Inkersell shall henceforth have one penny a time for every 
person he doth ferry over the north ferry, during the town's pleasure.'* 
He died in 1644 and his inventory shows that he owned two houses, 203 
acres of land and a large herd of catle. Of his many descendants the most 
celebrated one was Dr. Nathaniel Bowditch the eminent mathematician 
and navigator. 

. LAWRENCE LEECH. Reference was made to him in the Com- 
pany's letter as follows ; "We desire you to take notice of one Lawrence 
Leech, whom we have found a careful and painful man, and we doubt not 
but he will continue his diligence; let him have deserving respect." He 
requested admission October 19, 1630, and was admitted freeman, May 18, 
1631. He served as one of the thirteen men in Salem and was given a 
grant of 100 acres by the town. This farm was located on "Rial Side." 
A way was laid out in 1657 from the meeting-house on Cape Ann side to 
his mill. He died in June 1662, aged between 82 and 85, "having been 
a useful and respectable citizen." 

JOHN MEECH was in Charlestown in 1629 and probably came in this 
company. We know nothing further about him. 

(SYDRACH MILLER "a cooper and cleaver; who demanding £45 for 
him and his man the first year, £50 a year the second and third year," was 
"held too dear for the Company to be at charges withal." This reference 
occurs in the records of the meeting of the Company held March 2, 1628 
(-9). He is not referred to again and we do not know that he came. The 
writer believes that he did not.) 

ROBERT MOULTON was the "chief" of the six ship-wrights sent by 
the Company. Scon after that, he removed to Charlestown and is be- 
lieved to have resided on "Moulton's Point." the present site of the Navy 
Yard. He was made freeman May 18, 1631, was one of the first selectmen 
and was a representative to the General Court in 1634. He returned to 
Salem and represented that town in the General Court in 1637. In the 
same year he was disarmed as a friend of Wheelwright. His land in 
Salem was at the head of the North river on the southern shore and east of 


what is now Boston Street. He probable built many vessels here. He 
died about 1655. 

(GEORGE) NORTON. In the Company's letter to Governor Endi- 
cott we read "there is one Norton, a carpenter, whom we pray you respect 
as he shall deserve." Pope believes that this was "George" Norton who 
was made a freeman in Salem, May 14, 1634. He was a town officer. He 
removed to Gloucester and was one of those to whom the General Court 
gave permission to erect a village at Jeffrey's Creek (Manchester) May 
13, 1642. He served as a deputy. In 1656, he leased the "Groton Farm" 
of Lucie, widow of Emanuel Downing. He removed to Wenham and 
died about 1659. 

ABRAHAM PALMER was a merchant and a member of the Company 
in England. He adventured £50 in the joint stock and was one of the 
fourteen to sign the instructions to John Endicott, May 30, 1628. He 
came to England (in all probability with Higginson) and went to Charles- 
town where he became prominent. Further account of him will be found 
in the address upon the "Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 1630." He 
served as a sergeant in the Pequot war and did good service in the swamp 

WALTER PALMER was with Abraham among the thirteen first set- 
tlers of Charlestown. His record has also been given in the above men- 
tioned address. 

MR. RICHARD PALSGRAVE was a physician. His name appears 
third on the list of the first thirteen inhabitants of Charlestown, in 1629. 
He built a house on the neck in 1630 and had a grant of ten acres in 1637. 
He died about 1655 or 6. He came from Stepney, Middlesex, England. 

JOHN PRATT, Surgeon. From the records of the Court of Assistants, 
held in London, March 5, T629, we learn that an attempt was made to 
induce a surgeon to sail for Salem "A proposicon beeing made to inter- 
tayne a surgeon for the plantacon, Mr. (John) Pratt was propounded as 
an abell man vppon theis condicons, namely, That 40 pounds should bee 
allowed him, viz — for his chist 25 pounds, the rest for his own sallery for 
the first yeere, prouided he continue 3 yeeres, the Companie to bee at 


charge of transporting his wiffe and (servant), haue 20 pounds a yeert 
for the other 2 yeeres, and to build him a howse at the Companie's chardge 
and to allott him 100 acres of ground. But if he stay but one yccre, 
then the Companie to bee at charge of his bringing back for England and 
he to leave his servant and chist lor the Companie's saruice." From the 
"Proprietor's Records" of Cambridge, we learn that he purchased in that 
town, May 1, 1635, "one house with a garden & Backside" on the corner 
of Spring Street and Creek Lane. He sold this property in 1639 to Joseph 
Isack. He was called to account by the General Court for statements in 
his letters to England such as ''this country was nothing but rocks, sand 
and marshes," and he apologized in a rather unsatisfactory manner. This 
apology has been printed in the Massachusetts Historical Society Collec- 
tions, v. XVII, p. 126. He sailed from Boston with his wife, for Malaga, 
in a new ship of 400 tons, which was lost on the coast of Spain and they 
were all drowned. Governor Winthrop says, ''This man was above sixty 
years old, an experienced surgeon, who had lived in New-England many 
years, and was of the first church at Cambridge in Mr. Hooker's time, 
and had good practice and wanted nothing. But he had been long dis- 
contented, because his employment was not so profitable to himself as he 
desired, and it is like he feared lest he should fall into want in his old 
age, and therefore he would needs go back into England (for surgeons 
were then in great request there by occasion of the wars) but God took 
him away childless." 

ISAAC RICKMAN was recommended by Mr. Simon Whetcombe, to 
receive "diet and house-room at the charge of the Company." That body 
agreed however that they would pay £10 per annum for diet and lodging. 
He probably returned to Eng'and scon, as no more is heard of him. 

WILLIAM RYALL (RIAL or ROYAL) was a cooper and cleaver 
of timber who was employed by the Company and Governor Craddock in 
equal shares. The district in Beverly lying to the eastward of Dan vers 
river and north of Bass River is named for him — Rial Side. In 1636 he 
removed to what is now Yarmouth, Maine, and the river which flowed 
by his house has ever since bourn the name of Royal's River. He pur- 
chased a tract of land there of Gorges in 1643. ** € removed to Dorchester 
in 1675 an( l died there June 15, 1676. 


JOHN SALES or SALE was one of the original thirteen at Charles- 
town. The following record regarding him was made in 1633 ; 

"The summer this year proving short and wet, our crops of Indian 
corn, (for all this while we had no other,) was very small ; and great want 
threatened us. At which time there happened in this town the first known 
thief that was notoriously observed in the country. His name was John 
Sales; who, having stolen corn from many people in this scarce time, 
was convicted thereof before the Court, and openly punished, and all he 
had by law condemned and sold, to make restitution. He was bound over 
to Mr. Coxeshall for three years and his daughter Phebe was also bound 
to the same man for 14 years. He ran away to the Indians, but came back 
January 30, 1634-35. 

MR. SAMUEL SHARPE was a valuable man in the little colony hav- 
ing charge of the artillery. We first learn of him in the records of the 
Company in London, February 26, 1628 (-9) as follows; "For our five 
pieces of ordnance, long since bought and paid for, Mr. John Humphrey is 
entreated and doth promise forthwith to cause them to be delivered to Sam- 
uel Sharpe, who is to take care for having fit carriages made for them." 
March 3, we read ; "Mr. Samuel Sharpe, with whom there hath been an 
agreement made in the behalf of the Company to give him £10 per year 
for three years, to have the oversight of the ordnance to be planted in 
the fort to be built upon the Plantation, and what else may concern artil- 
lery business to give his advice in ; but for all other employments was 
left to be entertained (i. e. employed) by any other particular brethren of 
the Company, who for other occasions had entertained him already, and 
held not fit (proper) to be at further charge in that kind. The said 
Sharpe is also entertained to oversee the (servants) and employments of 
certain particular men of the Company. But for the general (Company's 
concern) presented a bill for three drums and other particulars, amounting 
to five pounds, nineteen shillings; which the treasurer hath order to pay." 

A few days later Mr. Sharpe requested of the Company that "all or the 
better part of his salary might be paid him now, to provide him apparel 
withal; and if he should happen to die before he had deserved it, his said 
apparel should satisfy it. Upon debate whereof, it was thought fit that 
twenty pounds should be paid him; and this to be the Treasurer's warrant 
for payment thereof, upon his salary of £10 a year, for three years." At 


a meeting held April 30, 1629, he was elected a member of Governor En- 
dicott's Council. He was elected an assistant of the Company in England 
but being out of the country was not able to serve as he could not take the 
oath and Roger Ludlow was elected in his place, February 10, 1630. The 
Company intrusted to him the duplicate charter to be delivered to Gover- 
nor Endicott and he also had charge of the Company's seal. Further evi- 
ence of the great confidence reposed in him was shown by the following 
instruction; "If, at the arrival of this ship, Mr. Endicott should be departed 
this life, (which God forbid,) or should die before the other ships arrive, 
we authorize you, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe, to take care of our 
affairs, and to govern the people according to order, until further order.*' 
Mr. Sharpe was to employ as much of his time as was necessary in 
the office of master-gunner and "the rest he is to follow other employ- 
ments of our Governor's (i. e. Governor Craddock, whose agent he was) 
and other's, for whose employment he is particularly sent out." If any 
provisions were left "that was provided for the passengers accommoda- 
tion." Mr. Sharpe was to have half for the use of Mr. Craddock and part- 
ners. The fort in wmich Mr. Sharpe set up the ordnance above men- 
tioned was near what is now Sewall Street. His house was on what is 
now the north-westerly corner of the present Lynde and Washington 
streets, where the Odell Block stands. His land extended back to the 
present North street. He become Ruling Elder after the death of Henry 
Houghton in 1630. He requested admission as freeman October 19, 1630 
and was admitted, July 3, 1632. He probably died about 1657 but his es- 
tate was not administered until 2J (6) 1666. 

REVEREND SAMUEL SKELTON was baptized in 1592-3. He mat- 
riculated at Clare Hall, Cambridge University, as a sizer, July 7, 1608. He 
took his degree of B. A. in 161 1 and M. A. in 1615. Mr. E. C, Felton who 
has made an exhaustive study of the Skeltons in England, states that; "It 
was not religious persecution which compelled Skelton to leave England. 
He was a puritan of the puritans but there is no evidence that he was ever 
brought in collision with the ecclesiastical authorities." Mr. E. C. Felton 
thinks it probable that Mr. Skelton while at Tattersholl was private chap- 
lain to the Earl of Lincoln. Simon Bradstreet the younger, who because 
so important a figure in New England history was, it is said, as a youth, 
in the household of the Earl. In the letter to Governor Endicott the fol- 


Jewing is found; ''one of them (the ministers) is well known to you, viz. 
Mr. Skelton, whom we have the rather desired to bear a part in this work, 
for that we are informed yourself have formerly received much good by 
his ministry." No one has as yet been able to find where or when the 
Governor had come under the influence of Mr. Skelton. 

Mr. Skelton came in the ship George Bonaventure and arrived here 
on the 24th of June, and was chosen and ordained pastor, on the 20th of 
July, 1629. In 1630 he was granted all of the land east of what is now 
Summer street in Salem from the mill pond probably as far north as what 
is now Creek or Xorman streets. His home was probably by the water near 
the prebent Mill street. We find in the records that ''July 3, 1632, there is 
another neck of land, lying about three miles from Salem route, about 200 
acres, granted to Mr. Samuel Skelton, called by the Indians YVahquack 
(now Danversport.) Also there is granted to Mr. Skelton one acre of land 
on which his house standeth, and ten acres more in a neck of land abut- 
ting on the south river, and upon Mr. Higginson's ground on the west. 
Likewise there is granted to Mr. Skelton two acres more of ground lying 
in Salem, abutting on Capt. Endicott's ground on the south." He desired 
admission as freeman, October 19, 1630, and was admitted May 18, 1631. 
His wife died March 15, 163 1, and he died August 2nd, 1634. Edward 
Johnson described him as "a man of a gracious speech, full of faith, and 
furnished by the Lord with gifts from above to begin this great work of 
His, that makes the whole earth to ring again at the present day." In the 
County Court papers in Salem, the speaker found the following; "The ould 
houfe in Salem which once was Mr. Skelton's being in eminent danger of 
present falling to the endangering of the lives of Children & Cattell and 
others, ordered yt within Ten Days should, house fail to be taken downe 
tne penaitie of ffyfe pounds, etc., etc." (27th, 6th mo., 1644.) 

REVEREND RALPH SMITH whose record was given in the address 
upon the "Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 1630" came with this com- 
pany. Allusion is made to him in the first general letter of the Company 
to Governor Endicott, as follows: "Mr. Ralph Smith, a minister, hath 
desired passage in our ships; which was granted him before we under- 
stood of his difference in judgement in some things about our ministers. 
But his provisions for his voyage being shipped before notice was taken 
thereof, through many occasions wherewith those entrusted with this busi- 


ness have been employed, and for as much as from hence it is feared there 
may grow some distraction amongst you if there should be any siding, 
although we have a very good opinion of his honesty, yet we shall not, 
[we] hope, offend in charity to fear the worst that may grow from their 
different judgements. We have therefore thought fit to give this order, 
that unless he will be comfortable to our government, you suffer him not 
to remain within the limits of our grant. " He came in the ship with Mr. 
Higginson, who refers to him as follows under date of May 21, 1629. 
"Thursday, there being two ministers in the ship, Mr. Smith & my selfe, 
we endeavoured together with others to consecrate the day as a solemne 
fasting & humiliacon to almighty God, as a furtheraunce of or present 
worke." The later records of Mr. Smith have been given in the previous 
address above referred to. 


cluded in the original list of the inhabitants of Charlestown in 1629 and 
probably came with this company. Accounts of them have already been 
given in "The Settlers About Boston Bay Prior to 1630." 

HUGH TILLY came in the Lion's Whelp as a servant to Sir Richard 
Saltonstall. Shortly after his arrival he was appointed to help in setting 
up a saw mill. He removed to Yarmouth and died before November 3. 
1648, for on that date his widow married at Nocett, Thomas Higgins. 

RICHARD WATERMAN was a hunter. In the Company's letter we 
read the following, directly after the words of commendation concerning 
Lawrence Leech which we have quoted: 'The like we say of Richard 
Waterman, whose chief employment will be to get you good venison.' 
He received payment in 1632 from Pynchon the treasurer, for killing a 
wolf. He was a proprietor and town officer in Salem where he lived until 
he was required, by an edict of the General Court, March 12. 1638, with 
other families of antinomians. to quit the colony. Young tells us that 
"He joined Roger Williams at Providence in October and became one of 
the founders of that city and of the Baptist church there, the first of the 
name in America. In January 1643, with Randall Holden and Samuel 
Gorton, he purchased of the Indians the whole tract of land called Shaw- 


omet, (now Warwick), and in September was arrested there with the rest 
of Gorton's company, by order of the General Court of Massachusetts, and 
brought to Boston. (Some of his property was confiscated for charges, 
and he was bound over for later appearance.) After his discharge he re- 
turned to Providence. He was one of the commissioners for that town in 
the General Assembly of Rhode Island in 1650, and one of the town magis- 
trates in 1655. Savage states that he suffered monstrous injustice from 
Massachusetts, and gives the date of his death as October 28, 1680. 

(JOHN WHITCOMB) who was in Dorchester as a proprietor in 1636- 
9 and later went to Scituate. may have been the "Mr. Whitcomb" who 
was to see the leather discharged at Salem in 1629. See Suffolk Deeds, 
I., xix. 

MR. LAMBERT WILSON, surgeon, was mentioned in the Company's 
letter as follows; "We have entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon, to 
remain with you in the service of the Plantafon ; with whom we are agreed 
that he shall serve this Company and the other planters that live in the 
Plantation, for three years, and in that time apply himself to cure not only 
such as come from hence for the general and particular accounts, but also 
for the Indians, as from time to time he shall be directed by yourself or 
your successor and the rest of the Council. And moreover he is to educate 
and instruct in his art one or more youths, such as ycu and the Council 
shall appoint, that may be helpful to him, and, if occasion serve, succeed 
him in the Plantation ; which youth or youths, fit to learn that profession, 
let be placed with him; of which Mr. Huggesson's son, if his father approve 
thereof, may be one, the rather because he hath been trained up to litera- 
ture; but if not he then such other as you shall judge most fittest." Winth- 
rop states that Mr. Wilson "our chief surgeon" was in the war with the 
Pequots in 1637. 

The size of this company, composed as it was of a large number of 
men, skilled in divers occupations, and the great value of the large cargoes 
of much needed and very useful supplies, greatly strengthened the settle- 
ment. Many of the men who came, became prominent in the affairs of the 
town and colony and their descendants, prominent in many walks in life, 
are scattered all over this glorious land which they themselves ably as- 
sisted in founding. 



By Charles A. Flagg 

Morrison, Owen, b. Coleraine ; set X. Y. 
1820? Lenawee Port.. 788. 

Stephen A., b. Danvers, 1815; set. 

Mich. 1837. Allegan Hist, 334. 

Morse, Joseph B.. set. X. Y., Mich. 1831. 
Genesee Port., 572. 

— - Lemuel, b. 1779; set. X. Y. 1810? O. 
Lenawee Port., 898. 

Lewis, b. Fitchburg, 1831 ; set. Mich 

1857. Lansing, 487. 

Lewis L., b. 1800^ set. Mich. 1857, d. 

1871. Lansing, 487. 

Lincoln, b. Fitchburg, 1833 ; set. 

Mich. 1857. Lansing, 487. 

Lydia, m. 1815? John CannirT of X. 

Y. ; m. 2d, John Bird of Mich. Lenawee 
Port., 1200. 

Susanna, m. 1805 ? John Adams of 

N. H. Macomb Hist, 687. 

Morton, Ambrose, b. 1757; set X. Y. Kala- 
mazoo Hist., 543. 

* Ambrose, Jr.. b. Stoughton, 1788; 

1812 soldier; set. X. Y. Kalamazoo 
Hist, 543; Berrien Port, 246. 

Eleazer, b. 1786; set. X. Y. 1806? 

Mich. 1834. Berrien Hist., 197. 

Elijah, b. Hatfield, 1771; set. X. Y. 

1815? Mich. 1834. Newaygo, 318. 

John, set. X. Y., Mich. 1834. Hills- 
dale Port., 655 ; Lenawee Port., 580. 

Maria, b. 1802; set. Mich. 1838; 

•Washtenaw Hist., 504. 

Moseley, Augustus C, b. Pittsfield, 1835 ; 
set. Mich. 1840. Branch Twent, 729. 

Sarah, m. 1840? Maj. R. J. Barry of 

Mich. Jackson Port, 471. 

Thomas, set. Mich. 1840. Branch 

Twent., 729. 

Thomas, b. Pittsfield, 1794; set. 

Mo., X. Y.. Mich., 1836 or 1841. branch 
Port., 524; Branch Twent, 250 

Mosely, William Augustus, b. Westhcld, 
1815; set. Mich. Branch Twent., 251. 

William G., of VVestfield; set. Mich. 

1837. Grand Rapids Hist., 1SS; Grand 
Rapids Lowell, 115. 

Moses, Byron, set. Mich. 1850. Clint n 
Port., 590. 

Mosher, Stephen M., set. X. Y. 1820? 

Hillsdale Port, S94. 
Mott, Adam, b. near Xew Bedford; set. X. 

Y., Mich. 1829. Lenawee Port., 10SO. 
Mottles, Eunice, b. 1789; m. Jeremiah Van 

Wormer of X. Y. and Mich. Jack^cr 

Port., 863. 

Moulton, Nathaniel, set. X. Y. 1790? Le- 
nawee Port., 1103. 

Mowry, Elisha, of Berkshire Co.. set. X 
Y. 1816. Washtenaw Hist., 1026. 

J. B., b. Berkshire Co., 1809; set X 

Y., 1816, Mich. 1831. Washtenaw Hist., 

Munger, Luke, b. Boston ; set. O. Berrien 
Hist, 501. 

Munn, Horace, b. 1790? set. X. Y. Lena- 
wee Port, 1020. 

Israel set. X. Y. 1800? Lenawee 

Port, 1057. 

Murdock, Martha, b. Framingham, 1825; 
set X. Y. 1828, Mich. 1839; m. 1st, 1845 
John C. Ellis of Mich.; m. 2d, 1855. Den- 
nis Warner. Washtenaw Hist., 868; 
Washtenaw Port, 524. 



Samuel, b. Westminster; set. M. Y. 

1828, Mich. 1S39. Washtenaw Hist.. 868 

Samuel \V., set. Mich. 1850? Clin- 

ton Port. 527. 

Murphy, Daniel M., b. Erving. 1854 ; set 
Mich. 1876. Clinton Port.. 613. 

Mussey, Dexter, b. Worcester. 1811; set 
Mich. 1836. Macomb Hist., 225. 667. 

Myers, Mercy, b. Middlesex Co.. 1787; m 
1810? Stephen Fenton of X. V. Lena- 
wee Illus., 166. 

Nash, Andrew B., set. N. Y., Mo., 1870. 

Lenawee Hist. I, 403. 
Augustus W., set. N. Y., 1840? 

Mich., 1854. Allegan Twent, in; 

Kalamazoo Port., 563. 
Ebenezer, of Longmeadow; set. 

Conn., 1785? St. Clair, 305. 
'Harrison, set. N. Y. before 1836. 

Branch Port., 311. 

Joel, set. X. Y., 1830? Kent. 1341. 

Jonathan E., b. Greenfield? 1820; 

set. Mich., 1846. Grand River, 246 and 
appendix, 47; Kent, 1341. 
NEEDHAMjohanna, b. Boston, 1817; m. 
1839 James J. Newell of Mich. Le- 
nawee Hist. II, 392. 
Nelson, Eunice, m. 1810? Levi Hilton 
of N. Y. and Mich. Oakland Port., 

Ezra T., b. Milford. 1824; set. Mich., 

1842 or 1845. Grand Rapids Lowell, 
463: Kent, 1089. 

George C, b. Milford, 1812; set. 

Mich , 1834. Grand Rapids Hist., 196. 

Tc'-ab^d S., b. Deerfield; set. Mich., 

1830. Cass Twent., 608. 

Tame^ M., b. M ; lford, i8ro; set. 

Mich . 1836. Grand Rapids Hist., 182; 
Grand Rarrds Lowell, 109; Kent. 1090. 

Josiah, b. 1773; set. N. Y. Gratiot, 


Josiah, set. N. Y., 1800? Ionia 

Port, 406. 
Newbury, Edward C. b. Amherst, 1838; 

set Mich., 1840. Macomb Hist., 668. 
Newcomb, Hezekiah, of Bernardston; 
set. N. Y.. 1830? Detro't, 1163; 
Wayne I and., 783. 

Newell, Hannah, b. 1798; m. Conrad 
House of N. Y. and Mich. Clinton 
Port., 934. 

James J., b. Boston, 1S16; set. Can- 
ada, 1818; X. Y., 1830; Mich., 1S37. 
Lenawee Hist. II, 392. 

John, b. Lynnlield, 1794; set. Can- 
ada, 1818. Lenawee Hist. II, 391. 

Rhoda, b. Boston, 1772: m. Samuel 

Rogers of Mass. and X. Y. Lenawee 
Hist. II, 330. 
Newton-, Josiah, set. Vt., 1S10?; 1812 
soldier. Oakland Port., 935. 

Lucy, m. 1825? Evert Hawley of 

X. Y. Mecosta. 443. 
X t ichols, Cynthia, m. Henry King of O. 
Berrien Port., 672. 

X T athan, b. Berkshire Co.; 1812 

soldier; set. N. Y., Mich., 1836. Clin- 
ton Port., 205. 
Orna, b. 1S00; m. 1818? Aretus Gil- 
more of O. Clinton Port., 584. 

Soloma, m. 183s? Palmer Marsh of 

N. Y. and Pa. Midland. 313. 
X t ickerson, Elkanah, of Harwich; b. 
1806; set. Mich., 1867. Berrien Hist., 

Lewis, b. near Boston ; set. X. Y., 

Mich., 1831. Hil'sdale Port., 588. 

Lewis, set. N. Y.. 1810?; Mich., 

1830. Lenawee Port., 1032. 
XTGHTrxGALE, Daniel, b. 1778; set. X. H., 

Mich., 1837. Genesee Port.. 589. 
X t tmocks. Roland, set. X T . Y., Mich.. 

1843 Hillsdale Port., 452. 
NrMS, Dwight B.. b. Conway, 1807 or 
1808; set. N. Y.. 1833. Mich., 1835 or 
1865. Homer, 73; Jackson Hist. 156; 
Muskegon Port., 262. 

Reuben, b. Berkshire Co.. 1794: set. 

Vt.. Mich.. 1855- Macomb Hiit. 485; 
Macomb Past, 219- 
Nhcle, Abby, of Williamstown; m. 1S25 
George Landon of Mich. Monroe, 

Charles, b. Will ; amstown. 1797; set. 

O.. Mich., 1818 or 1820. Detroit. 
1224; Monroe, 151. 

Daniel, b. Williamstown, 1807: set 

Mich., 1830. Monroe. 166. 




David A., b. Williamstown, 1802; 

set. Mich., 1831. Monroe, 250. 
Deodatus, of Williamstown; set. 

Mich., 1832. Detroit, 1224. 
Levi, b. Blandford, 1792; set. N. 

Y., 1810? Hillsdale Port., 335; Ionia 

Port., 577- 
Nancy, m. 1800? Jacob L. Lomis of 

N. Y. Oakland Biog., 526. 
William A.., b. Williamstown, 1819; 

set. Mich., 1833. Monroe, 167. 
Norris, John C, set. N. Y., Mich., 1837. 

Hillsdale Port., 457. 
Northam. Frances E., b. 1816; m. Cyril 

Adams of Mich. Jackson Hist., 1134. 
Samuel K., b. Williamstown. 1824; 

set. Mich., 1839. Northern M., 397. 
Xorthrup, Lydia A., b. Cambridge, 

181c; m. Dav ; d Wright of Mich. Kent, 

Norton, John, set. N. Y., 1805? Mich., 

1823; d. T832. Oakland Biog., 163; 

Oakland Hist.. 151; Oakland Port., 

Trumbull, set. N. Y., Mich., 1830. 

Branch Port, 385. 
Nowlen. Sophia, of Xew Mar.boro; m. 

1817? Philo C. Fuller of N. Y. and 

Mich. Grand Rapids City, 178. 
Nutting, Abbie B., m. 1831, Dauphin 

Brown of Mich. Kalamazoo Hist., 

482. ■ 

Ransom, b. Leverett, 1818; set. 

Mich., 1853. Kalamazoo Port., 786. 
Nye, Nathan, b. Salem, 1770?; set. N. 

Y., 1800? Macomb Hist, 834. 
Oaks, Daniel, b. Worcester Co., 1835; 

set. Mich., 1855. Osceola, 329. 
Olds, Amanda, m. 1840 Israel Hale of 

Mass., Mich, and Ohio. Lenawee 

Port, 422. 
Daniel, Revolutionary soldier; set. 

O., 1812? Mich. Jackson Port., 428. 
Hanford, set. X. Y., 1810? Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 1269. 
James, set. O., 1810? Mich., 1830. 

Lenawee Port., 1073. 
Lois, b. near Pittsfield; m. 1815? 

Benaiah Jones, jr., of O. and Mich. 

Jackson Port., 428. 
Martin, b. Bolton; set. X. Y., O., 

Mich., 1834, Oregon. Branch Hist., 


OLIVE, Susan, m. 1815? Adgate W. Col- 
lins of O. and Iowa. Bay Gansser, 

Oliver. David, b. Lynn. 1787; set. O., 

1849. Mich. Gratiot, 600. 
John. h. 1790; set. X. Y. Jackson 

Hist, 1 108. 
Oman?, Thomas G.. 1812 so dier; set. 

X. Y.. Mich., 1830. Kent. 687. 
Ormsby, Lysander, b. Westhampton, 

1815; set. Mich., 1837. Lenawee Port., 

Osborx, Asa, b. Berkshire Co.. 1775; 

set. X. Y.. 1791 or 1807., Mich., 1836. 

Lenawee Hist. I, 141; Lenawee Port., 

Tames, b. Colerain, 1793; set. X. Y-, 

t8to?> Mich. 1866. Lenawee Hist. I, 

168; Lenawee Port., 261. 
Joel, cf Berkshire Co.. set. X. Y., 

1791. Lenawee Hist. I, 141. 
Richard, b. Lanesboro; set. X. Y., 

Mich., 1835. Ingham Port.. 843. 


■ Thomas, b. Loraine. 1784: set 

Y.. Mich., 1848. Lenawee Hist. I, 06; 

Lenawee Port., 421. 
Osborne, David L., b. Salem, 1813; set. 

M : ch.. 1836. St. Clair, 589. 
P.\ r K.\Rn, Amasa, b. Bridgewater, 1788; 

set. O., 1832. Berrien Hist., facing 

Bartimeus, b. 1769; set. X. Y 

Lenawee Illus., 292. 
Benjamin, b. Bridgewater, 


— Elizabeth, m. 1840? Hiram Baldwin 
of X. Y. Genesee Port., S89. 

John R, set. X. Y. f 1800? Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 624. . 

Laura A., b. Plainf.eld; m. 1859 Al- 
fred S. Packard of Mich. Berrien 
Hist.. 439; Kalamazoo Port., 278. 

Vesta m. 1770^ Joseph Bailey of 

Mass. and X. Y. Hillsdale Port., 299. 

William, b. P ainneld, 1808; set. X. 

Y., O., Mich. Berrien Hist., facing 

Paddo-k, Ira. b. X. Y., 17SS; set. Berk- 
shire Co., Mass., X. Y., Mich. Branch 
Port.. 453- 

Page, Hale \V., b. Shirley. 1816; set. 
Mich. Kalamazoo Port., 867. 



Paine, Edward W., b. S. Hadley, 1839; 

set. Ill, i860, Mich., 1S66. Grand Rap- 
ids City, 924. 
Paine, Electa, of Williamsburg; m. 1790? 

Josiah Frost of Mass. and N. Y. 

Jackson Port., 856. 
Palmer, Lydia, b. Leyden; m. 1800? 

Samuel Coman of N. Y. and Mich. 

Hillsdale Port., 700. 
Park, Eliza A., b. Southbridge; m. 1850? 

Chancy R. Church of Mich. Jackson 

Port., 197- 
William, b. 1791; set. N. Y., 1815? 

Saginaw Port., 636. 
Parker, Calvin, set. N. Y.; d. 1834. 

Hillsdale Port.. 800. 
Chloe, b. New Bedford; m. 1795? 

Ebenezer Jenney of Vt. Macomb 

Hist., 731. 
Ezra, b. Newton, 1731; set. N. H. 

Northern P., 457. 
Farrington, b. Weston, 1776; set. 

N. Y., 1791. Lenawee Hist. II, 71. 
Ira. b. S. Adams: set. N. Y.. 1815? 

Lenawee Hist. I, 176. 
Isaac, of Boston; bought land in 

Mich., 1836. Allegan Hist., 270, 293. 
James, b. Hartford? 1788; set. 

Mich., 1830. Macomb Hist., 757. 
Jonathan D., set. Mich., 1837; d. 

1888. Genesee Port., 995. 
Joshua, set. N. Y., 1795? Lenawee 

Port., 784. 
Timothy, set. N. Y.. 1810? Wash- 
tenaw Port., 533. 
William M., b. N. Adams, 1779; set. 

N. Y., 1793. Oakland Port., 291. 
Parkman, Phebe, b. Enfield; m. 1825? 

Bereah H. Lane of Mass and Mich. 

Lenawee Port.. 1098. 
Parks, Asa, set. N. Y., 1807. Washte- 
naw Hist., 1309. 
— Ashley, b. Berkshire Co., 1802; set. 

N. Y., 1807, Mich., 1835. Washtenaw 

Hist., 504, 1309. 

Parmanter, Zeviah. of Northboro; b. 

1805; m. 1826 David Blackmer of 

Mass. and Mich. Monroe, appendix, 

Parmatijr, Charles, set. N. Y., 1810? 

Northern M., 347. 

Parmenter. Lydia, b. Oakham, 1792; m 
Samuel D. Wells of N. Y. and Mich. 
Macomb Hist., 740. 

Parmeter. Luther L., b. Orange. 1815; 
set. N. Y., 1822. Newaygo, 328. 

Nathaniel, set. N. Y., 1822. Neway- 
go, 328 

Parsons, Andrew, b. Newburyport, 1782; 
set. N. Y. Branch Port., 133. 

Caroline, of Sandisfield; m. Rev. 

Water Warren who was b. 1800. Ber- 
rien Port., 820. 

Chester, b. Sandisfield. 1799; set. 

N. Y., 1802. Mich., 1826. Washtenaw 

Hist., 504, 1405. 
David, b. 1776; set. N. Y.. 1800? 

Mich.. 1844- Oakland Port.. 554. 
E. W., b. Berkshire Co., 1830; set. 

Mich., 1833. St. Clair, 590. 
James M., b. W. Springfield, 1810; 

set. Mich., 1864. St. Clair, 120. 
John. set. N. Y.. 1802; d. 1813. 

Washtenaw Hist.. 1405. 
John. set. N. Y., Mich., 1826. Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 1434. 
Jonathan, b. W. Springfield, 1820; 

set. Mich., 1835. St. Clair, 121. 
Melissa, b. Belchertown, 1800; m. 

Warren Isham of X. Y. and Mich. 

Detroit, 1157. 
Orrin, b. Sandisfield, 1794; set. N. 

Y., 1802, Mich.. 1826. Washtenaw 

Hist., 1371; Washtenaw Past, 576. 
Philinda. b. Conway: m. Marvn 

Gaston of N. Y. and Mich., d. i8S3. 

Ingham Port., 687. 

Sarah, of Granville; m. 1S24 Samuel 

W. Hamilton of Mass. and Mich. Ho- 
mer, 45; Mecosta, 322. 

Partridge, Levi W.. b. Pittsfield, 1851; 

set. Mich., 1880. Wayne Land., ap- 
pendix, 142. 
Patch, Anson B., b. 1814; set. Mich., 

1840? Ionia Port., 400; Macomb Hist., 

Patrick, Asa. Jr.. of Hampden Co.. 

bought land in Mich., 1836. Allegan 

Hist., 269. 
Payne. Daniel, set. N Y, 1830' Mich., 

1836. Clinton Port., 267. 

2 4 


Payne, Hiram, set. N. Y., 1825? Kent, 


Stephen, set. N. Y., 1830. Lenawee 

Port., 924. 

Peabody, David, set. N. H., 1780? Cal- 
houn, opposite 112. 

Pearson, William, Revolutionary sol- 
dier; set. Canada. Mecosta, 444. 

Pease, Orlo A., set. N. Y., 1840? Sag- 
inaw Port, 489. 

Warren, set. Mich., 1832. Washte- 
naw Hist, 1348. 

Peashot, Sarah; m. 1800? Benajah H. 
Granger of Mass., N. Y., and O. 
Branch Port., 597. 

Peck, Sarepta, m. 1820? Daniel F. Bram- 
ble of N. Y. and Mich. Branch Port, 

W. H. b. Fair Haven, 1853; set 

Mich. 1878. Midland, 279- 

Peckens, David, 1812 solider; set. N. Y. 
Washtenaw Port., 405. 

Peebles, David, set. N. Y., 1810? Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 1032. 

Peets, Charles S., set. Canada, 1825? 
Newaygo, 352. 

Peirce, Francis, b. Waltham; set. Pa., 
1840? Mecosta, 522. 

Peirson, Levi R, b. Richmond, 1827; 
set. Mich., 1849. Lenawee Port., 710. 

Pennell, John, b. 1796; set. N. Y., 1825. 
Kent, 1301. 

Penoyer, Jacob, of Lee, b. 1774; set. 
N. Y. Genesee Hist., 364. 

Peren, Lucy, m. 1798 Ezra Carpenter, 
Jr. of N. Y. and Mich. Washtenaw 
Port, 403. 

Perkins, Cyrus E., b. Lawrence, 1847; 
set Mich. 1854. Grand Rapids City, 
George, b. Plymouth; set. Mich., 

1831. Macomb Hist., 801. 

Perrin, Friend, set Mich., 1834. Wayne 

Chron., 76. 
Perry, Betsey, m. 1800? James L. Fen- 

ner of N. Y. Kalamazoo Port., 607. 
Chester, b. 1801; set. N. Y., Mich., 

1824. Genesee Port., 944. 
Daniel, set. N. Y., 1820? Mich. 

1832. Jackson Hist., 835. 

N. Y. 


Perry, Elizabeth, b. 1760; m. Ezra Par- 
ker of Conn, and Mich. Oakland 
Port, 292. 

Sallie, m. 1820? Martin Durkee of 

Mass. and O. Ionia Port, 702. 
Sarah, b. Beverly, 1815; m. David 

Taggart. Branch Port., 316. 
-William, b. Concord, 1790? set. N. 

Y. Clinton Purt, 716. 
Persons, Festus, b. Chester; set 

1815? Newaygo, 3S2. 
Peters, G. W., set. N. Y., 1820? 

1826. Washtenaw Hist., 863. 
Peterson, Polly P., m. 1830? 

Snyder of Mich. Jackson Hist., 889. 
Reuben, b. Boston, 1862; set. Mich., 

1890. Grand Rapids Hist., 207; 

Grand Rapids Lowell, 711. 
Pettibone, Rosewell, set. X. Y., Mich., 

1827. Hillsdale Hist, 256. 

Pettis, Edward, b. Pittsfield, 1818; set. 
Mich., 1826. Kent, 512. 

Eliza T.. m. 1837, Thomas J. Ham- 
ilton of Mich, and la. Clinton Past. 

Phelps, Alfred, of Pittsfield; 

1828. Oakland Hist., 287. 
Benjamin, of Pittsfield; 

1825. Oakland Hist., 286. 

Edwin, b. Pittsfield, 

Mich., 1831. Macomb 

set. Mich., 
set. Mich., 



Mich., 1833- 
Oakland Port 

— Elijah, set. 
Past, 316. 

— Elnathan, b. Pittsfield, 1799; set. 
Mich., 1833. Oakland Hist., 116; Oak- 
land Port., 639. 

— Huldah A., b. 1826; set. Mich, 1830. 
Washtenaw Port, 266. 

— Josiah L., b. 1814; set. Mich., 1831. 
Macomb Past, 316. 

—Mary E 

George C. 
troit, 1 172. 

— Norman, 
naw Port.. 

of Springfield; m. 
Wetherbee of Mich. 


set. Mich, 1830. 


— Paulina, m. 1818. John Everett of 
N. Y. and Mich. Washtenaw Port, 






Phelps, Rhoda, b. Pittsfield, 1794; m. 
1815 or 16, Tohnson Niles of X. Y. and 
Mich. Oakland Hist.. 285, 295; Oak- 
land Port., 894. 

Philips, Malaney. m. 1820? James \V. 
Wadsworth of Mich. Allegan Twent., 

Phillips, Abiathar, b, 1774; set. N. Y. 
Hillsdale Port.. 665. 

Abiathar, b. Franklin Co.. 1S04; set. 

N. Y., Mich., 1868. Hillsdale . Port, 

Alanson, b. 1804; set. Me., 

Mich., 1835. Levawee Hist. II, 

Jonathan, set. N. Y.. 1800? 

land Port., SS2. 

Zebedee, set. N. Y., 1825? Ingham 

Port, 495- 

Zebulon, set. N. Y.; d. 1833. Isa- 
bella, 287. 

Phippen, Mary L., b. Lynn: m. 1826. 
Thaddeus Hampton of Mich. Ber- 
rien Port., 488. 

Picketing, Rebecca, b. 1793: m - Fisher 
A. Darling of Mass. and Mich. Mon- 
roe, 587. 

Pierce, Abbie, m. 1830? Joel Oaks of 
Mass. Osceola, 329. 

Abner G., b. Cambridge; set. N. Y 

1850, Mich. Lenawee Port., 646. 

Asa, b. 1790; set. X. Y., 1814, Mich. 

1835. Genesee Hist. 283. 

Asa T., b. Rehoboth; set. Mich., 

1835. Genesee Hist., 283. 

Experience, m. 1810? David Peck- 
ens of N. Y. Washtenaw Port., 405. 

Isaac, b. Berkshire Co., 1803; set. 

N. Y., 1811, Mich., 1835. Kalamazoo 
Hist., opposite 344; Kalamazoo Port., 

James H., b. Bristol Co., 1822; set. 

111., 1842, Mich., 1879. Allegan 
Twent., 255. 

Joshua, set. N. Y.; d. 1849. Gen- 
esee Port, 816. 

Mary, m. John T. Gilman of N. Y.; 

d. 1866. Genesee Port., 816. 

Nathan, b. 1770; set N. Y., 1800? 

Washtenaw Hist, 817. 

Pierce, Nathan, b. Cheshire, 1790; set. 
X. Y., 1795. Mich. 1831 or 32. Calhoun, 
129; Kalamazoo Port., 315; Washte- 
naw Hist., 817. 

Orrin R., b. Cambridge, 1849; set. 

N. Y., 1850, Mich., 1875. Lenawee 
Port.. 646. 

Orrison A., b. 1847; set. Mich., 

1869. Jackson Hist., 691. 

Peter, b. Boston; 1812 -oldier; set. 

Penn., 1820? Saginaw Port., 987. 

Sarah, m. 1S10? Joseph Rogers of 

N. Y. Jackson Port., 394. 

Piersow Edwin D., b. Richmond, 1S19; 
set. Mich., 1847. Lenawee Port., 675. 

Franklin D., set. X". Y., 1810. Saginaw 

Port.. 649. 

Pillsrury, Emily E., b. 1815; m. Wil- 
liam S. Robinson of X T . Y. and Mich. 
Macomb Port., 216. 

Piper, Giles A., b Boston, 1840; set. 
111., Mich. Kalamazoo Port.. 380. 

Moses, set. Vt, Mich., 1838. In- 
gham Hist., 474. 

Pitcher, Bathsheba, m. tSio?* Thomas 
Sloan of N. Y. Gratiot, 274. 

Pitts, Frances, of Cambridgeport or 
Charlestown; m. 1836, Charles Mer- 
rill of Mich. Detroit, 1220; Wayne 
Chron., 144. 

Polly, m. 1812? Peleg Hicks of X. 

Y. Lenawee Port., 527. 

Pixley, Benona H., b. Great Barring- 
ton, 1808; set. Mich., 1833. Jackson 
Hist., 905. 

Laney, b. Barrington. 1793; m - -^ 5a 

Hewett of N. Y. and Mich. Hills- 
dale Port., 334, 464- 

Richard B.. b. Great Barrington, 

1801; set. Mich., 1836 or 38. Jack -on 
Hist., 162, 905. 

Placeway, Joseph, set. X. Y., Mich., 
1834; d. 1859. Ingham Port., 847. 

Platt, George W., b. Pittsfield; set 
Mich., 1837. Berrien Twent., 151, 3^4- 

James M. b. Pittsfield; set. Mich 

1850? Berrien Twent., 785. 

Plum, Sarah, m. 1815? Samuel Gill of 
N. Y. Muskegon Port.. 378. 



Pomeroy, Fanny, b. Southampton; m. 
1830? Phineas Strong of X. Y. Kent, 
1 140. 

Henry, b. 1786; set. Mich. Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 592. 
Silas, b. 1792; set. N. Y. 1820, Mich 

1837. Jackson Hist., 1125. 
PoMROY,Levi, b. 1792; set. N. Y., Mich. 

Hillsdale Port., 703. 
Pond, Darius, set. N. H., 1810? Kent, 

Pool, Achish, b. Ashfield, 1776; set. N. 

Y., 1810. Macomb Hist., 758. 
Lydia, b. Abington, 1791; m. 1815. 

Brackley Shaw of Mass., N. Y. and 

Mich. Lenawee Hist., I, 424; II, 438; 

Lenawee Port., 237. 
Manila, of Savoy; m. 1820? Obediah 

Bliss of Mass and N. Y. Grand 

Rapids Lowell, 699. 
Olive, m. 1830? Alden Nash of O. 

and Mich. Kent, 596. 
William H., b. Ashfield, 1808; set. 

N. Y., Mich., 1848. Macomb Hist., 

Pope, Oliver C, b. Middlesex Co., 1793; 

set. N. Y., Mich., 1835. Hillsdale 

Hist, 151; Hillsdale Port., 880. 
Porter. Allen, b. Franklin Co., 1795*. 

set. N. Y., 1806. Lenawee Port., 858. 
Caroline, b. 1808; m 1832, Job 

Whitney of O. and Mich. Kent. 633- 
Jane E.. m. 1835? Joseph S. Snow 

of Mich. Saginaw Port., 668. 
Seth J., b. Williamstown; set. N. 

Y., Mich.; d. 1834 Ingham Port., 

Potter, J. M., b. Cheshire. 1839; set. 

Mich., 1856. Ingham Port., 828. 

Powell, John L., b. 1780; set. N. Y., 
1804 or 06. Ionia Hist., 349; Ionia 
Port., 395. 

Milo, b. 1808, set. Mich., 1836. Cass 

Hist., 305. 

Robert, b. 1791; set. Mich. Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 591. 

Power, Arthur, b. Adams, 1771; set. N. 
Y., 1810? Mich., 1830? Lenawee 
Hist., I, 522. 

Pratt, Aaron, set. N. Y.. 1806. Ber- 
rien Port., 738. 
Alpheus, b. Sherburne, 1793; set. 

N\ Y., 1819, Mich., 1833. Lenawee 

Hist.. I, 407. 
Alva, b. Deerfield or Whately, 1796; 

set. N. Y. 1806; d. 1873. Berrien Port, 

738; Washtenaw Port., 523. 
Charles, b. Cheshire; set. X. Y.. 

1810? Mich., 1833- Lenawee Hist., II, 

Daniel L., Plainfield, 1820; set. O., 

1830, Mich., 1845. Hillsdale Hist., 

115; Hillsdale Port., 872; St. Clair, 


Eldridge G., b. S. Boston, 1805; 

set. N. Y., Mich., 1832. Macomb 
Hist., 599. 

Elizabeth, b. 1783; m. Joseph John- 
son of N. Y. Hillsdale Hist., 294. 

Henry M., b. S. Framingham, 1842; 

set. Mich., 1864. Hillsdale Hist., 215. 

Ira, set. N. Y. Kalamazoo Port., 


Jacob, b. 1784; set. N. Y., O., 1836, 

Mich., 1839. Ionia Port., 547. 

Josiah, Sr., Revolutionary soldier; 

set. Vt, 1790? Macomb Hist., 708; 
Macomb Past, 468. 

Linas, set. N. Y., 1815? Mich. 

Jackson Port., 325. 

Lucy, b. Belchertown. 1778; m. 

Ephraim Converse ul Miss, and Mich. 
Lenawee Port., 1207. 

Mercy, b. Taunton; m. 1800? Na- 
thaniel Crossman. Calhoun, 133. 

Naomi, b. 1810? m. Willard Fel- 

shaw of N. 
Port., 325 . 

Noah, set. 


Wellington H., b. 

1843; set. Mich., 
Hist., 215. 

William, set. O., 

Port., 872. 

Pray, Ellen, m. 1810? Joseph Young of 
N. Y. Shiawassee, 530. 

Y. and Mich. Jackson 

Me., 1835? Newaygo. 

S. Framingham, 
1864. Hillsdale 

1830. Hillsdale 



Preston, Fowler J., of Whately? set 
Mich., 1829; d. 1843. Berrien Port., 
117; Berrien Twent, 173, 949. 

John, of Andover, set. Conn., 1810? 

Macomb Hist, 709. 

Prichard, Ephrann, b. Great Barring- 
ton, 1790; set. O., Mich. Gratiot, 482. 

Priest, Laura, b. Nottingham? m. 1840? 
Abner G. Pierce of Mass., N. Y. and 
Mich. Lenawee Port., 645. 

Prior, Elizabeth, m. 1845, John Bam- 
ber of Mich. Oakland Port., 595. 

Frederick, b. 1801; set. Mich., 1835. 

Oakland Biog., 577. 

Philo, b. Pittsfield, 1829; set. Mich., 

1835. Oakland Biog v 577. 

Procter, Benjamin, b. Gloucester, 1767; 
set. N. H. Macomb .Hist., 835. 

Proctor, John, b. Groton; set. Vt, 
1820? Kent, 665. 

Prouty, b. Worcester Co., 1775 ; 

set. Washington Co., N. Y., 1810? 
•Macomb Hist., 723. 

Pullen, Lucy, b. 1792; set. Mich. Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 592. 

Purinton, Hulda, b. Franklin Co., I79 1 ; 
m. Zenas Atwood of N. Y. and Mich. 
Ingham Port., 371. 

Putnam, Albert T., b. Worcester, 1821; 
set. Mich., 1841. Jackson Hist., 149. 

Benjamin W., b. Orange, 1843; set. 

Mich., 1S65. Kent, 1106. 

R. W., b. Lowell, 1837; set. Mich., 

1872. Washtenaw Hist., 1226. 

PuTNEY.Aaron, b. 1769; set. N. Y. Kal- 
amazoo Port., 264. 

Quatermass, Richard, set. N. Y., 1810? 
Oakland Biog., 141. 

Quimry, Elizabeth, b. 1797; m. James 
H. Gould of N. Y. and Mich. Ber- 
rien Port, 679. 

Ramsdell, Gideon, b. Cummington, 
1783; set. N. Y., 1800. Lenawee Hist, 
I» 253. 

Ruth, b. 1801; m. Sylvanus Estes 

of Mich. iHillsdale Port., 740. 

Ramsey, Sarah S., of Granville; m. 1847, 
J. Austin Scott of Mich. Washtenaw 
Hist, 1039. 

{To be 

Rand, Lou ; sa, m. 1825? Rufus Goddara 
of X. Y. and Mich. Ionia Hist., 354 

Thomas J., b. Charlestown? [806; 

set. Mich., 1849. Muskegon Hist, 
facing 73. 

Randall, Isaac, set. N. Y., 1810? Sagi- 
naw Port., 978. 

Mehitabel, m. 1820? Seth Rob'nson 

of Mass. and O. Gratiot, 542. 
Snow, b. Hanover, 1754; set. Vt. 

Branch Port., 637. 
Rankin, Otis, set. Mich., 1836. St. 

Clair, 727. 
Ranney, Ebenezer, set. N. Y., 1800? 

Kalamazoo Port., 609. 
F.dwin, set N. Y., 1840? Mich., 1854. 

Newaygo. 192. 
George, set. N. Y., 1833; d. 1842. 

Hillsdale Port., 871. 
Hannah, b. 1782; m. Abiather Phil- 
lips of N. Y. Hillsdale Port., 665. 
Joel, b. Ashfield; set. N. Y., Mich., 

1877. Ingham Hist., 182; Ingham 

Port., 226. 
Lucius, b. Ashfield, 1819; set. N. 

Y., Mich., 1842. Hillsdale Port., 871. 

Lucretia, b. Ashfield or Buckland, 

1819; m. 1837, Darius Cross of Mich. 
Lenawee Hist. II, 310; Lenawee Illns., 
383; Lenawee Port., 1025. 

Mary, b. Ashfield; m. 1835? Augus- 
tus F. Daniels of Mich. Lenawee 
Port.. 362. 

Sarah S., b. E. Granville, 1826; m. 

J. Austin Scott of N. Y. and Mich. 
Washtenaw Past, 121. 

Ransom, Epaphroditus, b. Hampshire 
Co., 1799; set Vt., Mich., 1833 or 37- 
Governor. Berrien Hist., 132; Branch 
Port., 125; Kalamazoo Hist.. 117. 

Rash, George, b. 1788; set. Mich., 1824. 
Washtenaw Hist., 875. 

Rathbun, Hiram, set. N. Y., i8i5 ? 
Shiawassee, 209. 

Rawson, Elias, from near Boston; set. 
Mich., 1830. Kalamazoo Hist., 508. 

Theodore, set. Mich., 1S40? Lena- 
wee Port., 649, 684. 


By Judge Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, Massachusetts 

Including His Narrative of Three Years in the New West. During Which 

He Took in 1862 a 3000-mile Trip From St. Louis up the Missouri, and 

Thence Down the Snake and Columbia Rivers to Portland, and to 

San Francisco, Returning in 1S63. 


(Continued front Vol. V.) 


FORT BENTON, owned by the American Fur Company, is the head- 
quarters of the Indian trade in this region, and thus a place of much 
importance. It is built of adobies, with bastions and port holes, and a 
few determined men ought to be able to defend it against any force 
which the Indians can bring against it. This region abounds in tales of 
tragic and romantic events. Once the country of the Flatheads, now 
dcmicilled west of the Rocky mountains, by conquest, it became the home 
of the related tribes known as Bloods, Piegans and Blackfeet. The Gros 
Ventres living below the mouth of Milk river, are also related to these 
tribes, and speak the same language. Lewis and Clark were probably the 
first white men who came in contact with these people, and their ac- 
quaintance commenced with tragedy. The first party they met boldly 
took possession of two of Captain Lewis's horses and in the struggle for 
their recovery, two Indians were killed. 

In 1810, two venturesome traders, named Ashley and Henry, erected 
a defensible trading post near the Three Forks of the Missouri, expecting 
a large trade with the Crows and Blackfeet, but their venture was a failure, 
as was also a similar attempt made in 1822 by others for the establishment 



of trade in this region. But in 183 1, James Kipp, a trader at Fort Union, 
filling Mackinaws with "trade goods" enlisted seventy-five men in his ser- 
vice and they trailed their boats to the mouth of the Marias (about 30 
miles below Benton) where they built a post and called it Fort Piegan, in 
honor of the local Indians, and succeeded in establishing- a very profitable 
business. In the spring he returned to Fort Union. 6 with the peltries he 
had gathered, and re-loading his boats with Indian goods he with sixty 
men started upon his return up the river. Ill luck attended him. and by 
a sudden storm his boats were wrecked and all his goods were lost. Run- 
ners were sent to Fort Union and a new stock in trade was dispatched up 
the river under charge of David D. Mitchell, who succeeded Kipp as chief 
trader. Not liking the location of Kipp's fort, he built a new one on the 
south side of the Missouri and named it Fort McKenzie. With Mitchell, 
at this time went Major Alexander Culbertson, whose advent proved an 
important factor in subsequent events in the valley of the upper Missouri, 
as, for thirty years he was the most important man in the whole region 
Maximillian, prince of Weid, and his suite, made Fort McKenzie their 
head-quarters for a season, and while here they had opportunity to wit- 
ness and take part in an Indian battle. Thirty lodges of Piegan's had 
pitched their lodges near the walls of the fort, and were busily engaged 
in exchanging their furs for such articles of trade as they desired. All at 
once fifteen hundred Assiniboines came rushing toward the fort, the in- 
mates of which thought they were the party to be attacked, and opened 
upon the raiders with seventy five guns. Seizing the first gun at hand 
the prince rammed down a big charge, put the piece to his shoulder and 
sighting through a port hole at a hideously painted warrior, fired. The 
recoil of the double loaded gun knocked the prince across the bastion and 
striking the opposite wall he was for a few moments stunned, but recov- 
ered conciousness and found that his gun was already loaded when 
he took it. One Assinaboine was killed, perhaps by the excited prince. 
It was soon apparent that the attack was upon the Piegan camp, and the 
entrance gate was thrown open, and in the rush for safety, the Piegan 
squaws loaded down with saddles and household utensils, so blocked 
up the way that twenty-five men, women and children of the tribe were 
slaughtered at the very gate of the fort. The Piegans traded at the fort; 


the Assiniboines did not : therefore it was good policy for the traders to 
aid the Piegans : so Culbertson and Mitchell with some of their men join- 
ed a large party who were camped nearby at Cracon-dn Nez, 7 in an attack 
upon the Assiniboine camp. The battle lasted amid the broken grounds 
all day, and when the Assiniboines withdrew they took with them forty 
Piegan scalps, and left but eight of their own in the hands of their ene- 
mies. The whites escaped injury. 

The next year Major Culbertson was in charge of Fort McKinzie. One 
day three Blood warriors and a squaw came to the fort on a journey to 
the Crow country to steal horses. The Major discouraged them and they 
concluded to abandon the expedition and return home. While camped at 
Cracon-du-Nez they were surprised by a party of Crows who dashed 
upon them and killed two of the Bloods and wounded the other. He made a 
supreme effort and knocked a Crow from his horse, seized his enemies' 
spear and leaping on the horse escaped to the fort. The sister of the 
Crow warrior was taken captive and the Crows started for their own 
country. The wounded Blood piloted Major Culbertson and a party to 
the battleground, and the bodies of the slain were taken to the fort and 
decently buried. A few days after the Major thought he saw some per- 
son in the bushes on the opposite side of the Missouri river, and crossed in 
a canoe to reconnoiter. He discovered the squaw, entirely naked but for 
some twigs bound upon her body and recognized her as the sister of the 
brave Blood w r arrior. The Crows had stripped oft her clothing so as to 
prevent her escape and placed her in care of a lynx-eyed old squaw, from 
whom she escaped. Travelling night and day without food or clothing, 
she had been fortunate enough to reach a place of safety. Her arrival 
at the fort was opportune, as she had learned of a plan of the Crows to 
attack the trading post in large numbers. Forewarned, preparations to 
receive the Crows were rapidly made, but no time could be spared to in- 
crease their supply of meat, before a large body of Crows swept down and 
captured air the horses belonging to the fort. They went into the camp 
near the fort and then asked for a parley. Major Culbertson told them to 
return the horses and then he would talk with them. He talked with 
friends, not with enemies. The Crows would not return the captured 
stock, and kept the fort in a state of seige. The garrison dug a well inside 


the stockade finding- a supply of water, but their food entirely failed and 
they were obliged to kill their dogs for sustenance. The men were in a 
rebellious mood because they were not allowed to attack the savages. The 
sagacious Major, true to his policy of making and keeping friends, forbade 
the men to fire upon the Indians. Learning that there was a conspiracy 
among his men to steal a mackinaw and abandon the fort at night, he told 
the Crows that if they did not depart before noon of the next day he 
would send a thunder-bolt among them. He accordingly trained his 
cannon in the bastion upon their camp, and calmly awaited the time limit. 
Exactly upon the hour fixed, the thunder broke forth and cannon balls 
went plowing through the Crow camp, and the frightened red-skins lost no 
time in pulling down their wikiups and the big chief Rotten Belly and 
all his young braves, who had driven him into this attack upon the fort, 
skedaddled, crestfallen away over the hills. To wipe out this disgrace 
a war party was made up to find and make attack upon the Piegans, the 
friends of the whites. At the Goose bill, just above the site of Benton, 
these Crows discovered a party of twelve Gros Ventres in camp. Rotten 
Belly was a brave man and a great chief. He said to his party, "Now 
we shall see who are brave men. I shall lead the attack though I feel 
that I am to fall in it." The Crows swept into the fight and killed the 
entire party of GrosVentres, but Rotton Belly was, as he had predicted, 
mortally wounded. He called his warriors around him and said. "Go 
back to my people with my dying words. Tell them ever hereafter to 
keep the peace with the white men." 

In 1837 the Fur companies boat "The Trapper," brought with it to 
Fort Union a man sick with smallpox. An Indian carried off an infected 
blanket, and the dread disease spread with terrible rapidity. The Assini- 
boines were reduced from twelve hundred fighting men to eighty. The 
Minneteres lost one half their number. The Mandans with whom Lewis 
& Clark wintered, in 1804-5, the best Indians in the western country, were 
nearly wiped out; from six hundred warriors they were reduced to thirty. 
Five hundred lodges of Peigans and Bloods were camped near Fort 
McKenzie. Major Culbertson warned the Indians of the fatality of the 
dread scourge, but they insisted upon receiving the goods which were to 
come by the boat, assuming all responsibility for their action, much 


against the active protest of Culbertson. The result was, that nearly 
every one of the ninety employes of the fort and the Major himself, had 
the disease, with the peculiarity that of the twenty-seven who died, twen- 
ty-six were squaws. Six thousand Bloods. Blackfeet and Piegans died of 
the disease; two thirds in number of the allied tribes. 

Major Culbertson had been called to the head office at St. Louis. For 
ten years Fort McKinzie had held a large and profitable trade, but the 
new managers, Chardon and Harvey, by their want of consideration and 
both being possessed with ungovernable tempers, ruined its prospects and 
caused its destruction. In 1842 a war party of twenty Bloods came to the 
fort and demanded admittance, which was refused. Angered at their treat- 
ment they shot a pig which belonged to the fort, and went on their way. 
Chardon took six men and went after the angry Bloods, and as one of 
his men named Reese (a negro) climbed to the top of a bluff and looked 
over, he was shot by the Bloods. Maddened by their experience, the 
whites returned to the fort and Chardon and Harvey secretly resolved to 
take vengance on the first party of Indians who came to the fort, thus 
adopting the Indian way of payment of old scores. They loaded the 
cannon in the upper bastion of the fort with musket balls and trained 
it upon the center of the mai nentrance to the fort. Not long after, a large 
party of Blackfeet arrived and the three chiefs were at once admitted 
through the small door, and the others were directed to gather at the 
main gate, which would soon be opened. When all was ready. Chardon 
threw open the gate, and as he did so, Harvey with fiendish satisfaction 
fired his pistol into the priming on the cannon and a hundred musket balls 
crashed into the crowd at the open gate. Twenty-one dead Indians 
strewed the ground, many wounded ones straggled away, several being 
killed as they ran. The three chiefs in the confusion, climbed the walls 
and escaped. When reason returned to the murderers, they became 
alarmed, and making up a working party, Chardon dispatched them by 
night with orders to build a new fort in the Crow country, at the mouth 
of the Judith river. Keeping close through the winter, Chardon loaded 
his goods on board some boats and with the opening of spring, safely 
dropped down to his new fort, called "F. A. C" the initial letters of his 
name. No trade came to the new post, and the Indians kept it beleaguered 


the most of the time. Neither Chardon or Harvey dared show themselves 
outside the walls of the fort 

The St. Louis managers at last persuaded Major Culbertson to return 
to the upper river and negotiate a peace. As the boat which bore Major 
Culbertson and the supply of goods approached Fort F. A. C. it was hailed 
and Malcom Clarke and James Lee came on board. Finding Harvey on 
the boat, with whom they had a feud, they attacked him with hatchets, 
but Major Culbertson interfered and saved his life. At the next wooding 
place, Harvey and Culbertson landed and reached the fort before the 
boat arrived, and Culbertson managed to send Harvey down the river 
in a canoe before Clarke and Lee arrived. The Major did not approve 
of the location of Fort F. A. C. and taking five men with him in a Macki- 
naw with stores and material, he left Malcom Clarke in command of the 
fort and went up the Missouri to find a new location. He decided to locate 
a few miles below the great falls of the Missouri, on the south* bank of 
the river. He was so anxious to get under cover of his wooden walls, 
before any Indians discovered him, that he forbade hunting, and his seven- 
ty men had to feed on dog flesh. Early in January in 1844 he felt himself 
prepared to receive company and sent out a party of hunters who returned 
with plenty of meat and brought with them an old Blackfoot man whom 
they had discovered, who told them that the tribe was encamped on 
Belley river in the British possessions. Furnishing him with provisions 
and presents he sent him to his tribe with an invitation for them to come 
to the fort and hold a council. In due time Ah-Kow-Mah-Ki, (the Big 
Swan,) appeared with fifty of his head men. Major Culbertson told them 
that the bad men had been discharged by the company and that he 
would remain at the head of affairs and that he desired peace. Big Swan 
in reply, speaking to his own people, told them that if there were any 
present who had lost friends in the massacre of Fort F. A. C. they must 
bury animosity and take good heart; that from this time forward there 
should be no stealing of the horses of the white men; no killing of white 
men, and no molesting of the fort so long as the bad Chardon and Harvey 
remained away; that the ground had been made good again by Major 
Culbeftson's return, and that the Blackfeet must not be the first to stain 
it with blood. 


Peace having been concluded the Major gave each of the six principal 
men a rifle and distributed to others blankets and tobacco, and ever after, 
until the arrival of emigration, the Blackfect kept faith with the whites. 
with the exception of some individual encounters. For this peculiarly 
valuable service Major Culbertson would not accept pecuniary remunera- 
tion, but the American Fur Company found a way to remunerate him by 
increasing his salary from $2000 to $3000 a year, and after a time to $5000. 

The Indians disliked the location of Fort Lewis, as at times it was dan- 
gerous to cross the Missouri; they wished a trading post near the Teton 
river, where was always plenty of grass, wood and water. So Major 
Culbertson sought a new location, and pitched upon the spot where Port 
Benton was built, which was but a few miles from the Teton river. In 
1846 Fort Lewis was moved by piece-meal down to the new location, and 
when finished named after in honor of that noble old Roman, Thomas H. 
Benton. In 1845 Harvey again appeared in the country as manager of an 
opposition post and taking a Piegan wife, built a fort just above the 
Cracon du Nez where he secured some trade from his wife's tribe. He 
died in 1853 an d the station was abandoned. 

In 1854 Andrew Dawson came to Fort Benton and was in charge when 
the Emilie arrived with its crowd of immigrants. Dawson was a strong 
and able man,and managed the Fur company interests with great skill 
and judgment. The ensuing year Governor Isaac I. Stevens of Washing- 
ton Territory and Col. Alfred Cummings, were appointed commissioners 
by the United States government to negotiate treaties between the differ- 
ent Indian tribes occupying the country about the sources of the Missouri 
and Columbia rivers, and between all the Indians and the whites. The 
council met on the north bank of the Missouri, opposite the mouth of 
Judith river, and the negotiations were so long continued that Col. Cum- 
mings feared that the river might be closed by ice before his Mackinaw 
could reach civilization. He put his ambulance on board a boat and sent 
his mules overland along the river. The river closed in before he had 
reached Fort Pierre, at which point he learned that his mules had been 
stolen by the Indians. 

. He made application to General Harney who was arranging his winter 
camp near the fort, for mules to haul his ambulance. The bluff old In- 


dian fighter, who was no believer in peace agreements with the savages, 
answered: "Yes, Colonel dimming?, I have plenty of mules, but you 
can't have one; I only regret that when the Indians got your mules, they 
didn't get your scalp also. Here all summer I and my men have suffered 
and broiled, to chastise these wretches, while yon have been patching 
another of your sham treaties, to be broken tomorrow and give us more 

Col. Cummings secured his team from private parties and made his 
way acrossthe country. Getting near the camp of Little Soldier, a noted 
Sioux chief, the Colonel thought it good policy to make him a ceremonial 
visit. Finding himself thoroughly winded when he arrived at the village 
located upon the top of a high bluff, fas he weighed about three hundred 
pounds) he declared that he never would go down that hill. A quick- 
witted squaw helped him out of his dilemma by seizing a large buffalo 
robe and spreading it upon the ground persuaded the doughty colonel to 
be seated in the middle of it, when she and a dozen other squaws seized 
the edges of the robe and safely with great hilarity transported the United 
States official to his ambulance, free from any injury with the exception 
of his wounded dignity. 

Within a day or two after our arrival at Fort Benton the goods brought 
by the Emilie and the Shreveport were piled upon the river bank, and the 
passengers who .decided to remain in the country were turned loose to 
shift for themselves. Our party were kept busy getting together our be- 
longings, and we engaged a young fellow whom we called "Little Stew- 
art" who had worked his passage on the Emilie, as cook, and pitched our 
camp on the prairie, and for a few days the whole company were together, 
but for a few days o'nly. A very few Indians were camped in the vicinity 
of the fort, but horses were very scarce and high priced. I obtained a 
nice pony for which I paid sixty dollars, which ordinarily would have sold 
for twenty-five. The Emilie hastened upon her return trip, for fear of 
low water, and we were forced to bid good-by to Professor and Mrs. Hoyt, 
and some others who at the last moment had weakened as pioneers and 
turned their faces homeward. 

We engaged the services of a mountaineer called "Big Gwynn,'' 9 to 
obtain for us four horses to haul our wagon and supplies to the mines 

X 69S9S6 



•it Gold creek. The big prairie was none too large to contain those four 
ponies and their long-haired driver during the few days when the}- were 
changing from saddle horses into draught animals. The first appearance 
of our turn-out in public was as good as a circus, and the driver had the 
assistance of all the emigrants and Indians at the landing, but in the 
course of a week we w r ere able to move our wagon from Benton about 
seven miles over on the Teton river where was plenty of wood, water 
and grass. It proved a lucky move for us, for riding over to the fort the 
next day, to purchase more ponies, we learned that the Gros Ventres had 
made a raid there and stolen eighty horses. Our fellow passengers, the 
Risby party, lost six, which cost them $550. 

In order to facilitate the surveys for a Pacific railroad undertaken by 
Gov. Stevens in the fifties, that portion of the United States army which 
acted as guard for the surveying parties, under command of Lt. John 
Mullan, laid out and constructed what was known as the "Mullan Road" 
between Fort Benton and the Dalles, in Oregon. It was when first con- 
structed passable for loaded wagons, but led over steep mountains and 
through rocky canons, and at the time of our use of it, very many of the 
log bridges over the mountain streams had washed away. The Gray 
party, having a fine mule team, soon were ready to start for the moun- 
tains and invited me to join them. A party was soon made up, consisting 
of Mr. Filley and son of St. Louis, Major Reed, the Indian agent, Mr. and 
Mrs. Vail, their two children and Miss Bryan, a sister of Mrs. Vail, and 
myself, and we pushed on to overtake the Cray party. The Vails were 
from Iowa, and were in the employ of Mr. Reed, the Indian agent, to 
reside upon and manage the ''Government farm,'* established to educate the 
surrounding Indians in the mysteries of farming. We rode thirty-five 
miles and camped at a place called "the springs'' on a high prairie which 
reached to the foot hills of the Rocky mountains. The next day we over- 
took the Gray party and kept with them until we reached "the farm" 
on Sun river. The Sun river is a beautiful mountain stream, and on its 
banks stand the palisaded farm buildings, built of hewed cotton-wood 
logs. At the station were many cattle, a few horses, but no Indians were 
taking lessons in agriculture. The valley was large and beautiful, and 
was the home o numberless deer and antelope. Camped at the fort we 


labored hard to recover and repair the ferry boat owned by the govern- 
ment, in order to take the wagons over the river. When the ferry was 
ready, it was discovered that Gray's team was missing. After a long 
search the strays were found far up the valley, and being recovered we 
safely took over the river all the wagons, the stock being compelled to 
swim. We bade farewell to our fellow passengers, the Vails, and camped 
that night at Bird Tail rock; a most curious freak of nature. An immense 
rock covering many acres rises from the plain, resembling a turkey's tail 
when spread. A few miles distant stands Crown Butte, covering a large 
territory, its perpendicular walls rising hundreds of feet above the sur- 
rounding plain. Its top appears to be level, and I could not learn that it 
had ever been ascended by man. Crossing the Dearborn, a tine clear 
mountain stream, not far from its junction with the Missouri, we met 
many teams from the west side of the Rocky mountains on their way 
to Fort Benton for goods. We camped on Wolf creek and the baying of 
wolves upon our unsophisticated ears, kept us awake a good part of the 
night. In the morning we found that the thieves had gnawed off the 
raw-hide lariets w r hich picketed our horses, and let them loose. 

July 1st, we met Giles Filley's team at Little Prickley Pear creek, which 
enabled us to forward letters homeward. We learned by them that sev- 
eral bridges w r ere washed away in the canon ahead of us, and we were 
compelled to cross over Medicine Rock hill, which was a heavy pull for 
our teams. On the summit of the mountain rises a wall of white quartz 
extending for a long distance. Such a freak of nature has great signif- 
icance with the Indians, and they hold the place in great reverence. 

We were up and off at three o'clock the next morning, hoping to cross 
the summit of the Rocky's that day, but we had a rough trail and were 
compelled to camp upon a branch of the Big Prickley Pear creek which 
sends its waters to the Gulf of Mexico. We had followed the Missouri to 
its source. At ten o'clock, July 3d. 1862, we carved our names on Mullan's 
mile post, had a game of snow balling, waved the "Star-spangled Banner," 
and gave three cheers for the Union. At this place the summit was grass 
covered and to the west we could see the little stream, which we were 
afterward destined to follow until it emptied its waters into the Pacific, 
down which we took our winding way. When we made camp, Bryan 


and I caught plenty of fine trout to furnish the whole party with supper. 
The night was very cold and ice a half inch in thickness formed in camp. 
Following- down the Little Blackfoot which soon became a sizeable 
stream, we crossed the north end of Deer Lodge prairie and following 
down the Hell Gate river, about night came opposite the mouth of Gold 
creek, but finding the waters too strong for fording, we camped on the 
north side. By noon the next day we had the pack train and goods safely 
over the Hell Gate, a feat accomplished with some difficulty. A little 
Frenchman who had walked and carried his own pack all the way from 
Benton, undertook to follow the train in the ford, with his pack strapped 
upon his back, but reaching swift water his feet were swept from under 
him and he rolled in the stream, sometimes the Frenchman and sometimes 
the pack uppermost, but by good luck he regained the shore from which 
he started. Although we all feared that he would drown, we could not 
help but laugh at his commical appearance. T hired an Indian to lead 
my horse over and bring him across. We found about twenty of our 
fellow passengers already at work in the mines, and some claimed that 
they were getting out about ten or twelve dollars per day. We saw one 
man who had been at work in the mines about two months, clean up his 
day's work by w r hich he realized an ounce of gold worth nearly twenty 
dollars. Our party went some distance up the stream and staked ont 
some claims, and we did a little prospecting, getting the color of gold in 
each pan of gravel. 

Monday morning July 7th. Madison of our party came in from Fort 
Benton and the next day we and some members of the Gray party took 
blankets and provisions and crossing the hills toward the east struck 
Rock creek, in a tramp of four or five miles. We found in almost all the 
prospect holes we opened, a few specks of fine gold. At night we wrapped 
ourselves in our blankets and without shelter of any kind slept like old 

Continuing down the creek the next day, we came to a small circular 
valley in the midst of which was tall rank grass, service berry bushes, and 
willows, and in the thicket we heard the "whisk" of white tailed deer. 
Although still quite lame from my wrenched ankle, I slipped from my 
horse to look for game, while Madison mounted my horse and rode on 


down the trail. I had the only rifle in the party, and soon heard Madison 
shouting "Come on, Thompson! here's a bear!" I hobbled clown the trail 
as fast as possible, and caught sight of the bear climbing the bank on 
the opposite side of the stream, while the boys were firing at him with 
their revolvers. Without much regard to my game leg, I climbed through 
the canon and caught sight of Bruin as he ran into a little thicket in a 
hollow. As I approached the thicket he ran out from it up a hill opposite 
where I stood. I fired at him while he was running, and as the bullet 
struck him he clawed the wound, and then ran over the hill out of my 
sight. I though that I had lost him, but loaded my rifle as I ran, and in 
so doing lost the little brass false muzzle, used in starting the bullet. 
As I came to the hill-top, down the slope, stood several immense rough 
barked pines, and I soon saw the bear shinning up one of them. He 
•walked out on one of the large limbs until it forked, where he turned 
himself around, and laid down with his head upon his fore paws, like a 
big dog. I remember saying aloud, to myself, "Now Thompson, keep 
cool, don't get rattled; that's your bear." 

I undertook to start a bullet into the muzzle of my rifle with the 
cleaning rod, but could not do it, and was compelled to hunt a dry stick 
of service berry bush and whittle out a starter. Pounding the bullet in 
with a rock, I succeeded in loading my gun, and creeping up to the side 
of a big pine I took good aim and fired. At first the bear did not move 
and I feared that I had missed my aim, then came a sort ot shudder, and 
the big creature fell more than fifty feet to the ground. Before approach- 
ing him I reloaded my rifle and being ready to fire at any hostile move- 
ment, I moved toward my victim, finding him stone dead. Our party 
had made camp about a mile away, but my lungs were good, and I yelled 
so loudly that Madison came up, and cutting a stick we arranged it 
gambrel-like in the bear's hind legs, but found it hard to draw the brute 
against the fur, so cutting oft" the top of my moccasins we tied the stick 
to the bear's nose, and dragged him with comparative ease to the camp. 
We guessed eh would weigh two hundred pounds, and found bear steak 
an enjoyable change from side bacon. The next day one of the boys 
loaded the horse with bear meat and returned to the home camp at Gold 
creek, while the rest of us continued to prospect Rock creek. When we 


reached home, I was hailed as "Bear Killer," a distinction which I in- 
tensely enjoyed. 

On the 13th of July, Rev. Mr. Francis held service at Gold creek, pos- 
sibly the first time that a Protestant service was ever held at any settle- 
ment in what is now Montana. I organized a choir for the occasion. Wc 
received word that our man "Big Gwynn" had succeeded in getting our 
wagon into the Deer Lodge valley, and we rented from Johnny Grant, 
the owner, a deserted log cabin standing at the junction of the Little 
Blackfoot and Deer Lodge rivers as our headquarters. Grant had moved 
several miles up the Deer Ledge, and built new houses near Cotton- 
wood. At our place was a good corral, and hundreds of cattle were graz- 
ing in the valley. 

Noticing some wild cows with calves nearby, with the aid of others 
I succeeded in capturing two calves and putting them into the corral, the 
mothers were also taken. By gentle usage I became able to calm the 
Tears of the mothers to such an extent that I could milk them. At least 
twice each day the cows came to their calves and thus I obtained a suffi- 
cient supply of milk for our camp, churning the cream by shaking it in 
a pickle jar. The two rivers in our front yard were alive with fine large 
mountain trout, and with an occasional antelope for change, we lived on 
the fat of the land. The two rivers by their junction formed the Hell 
Gate, a large swift flowing stream, and Gold creek, or American fork, 
entered about twenty miles below. James and Granville Stuart had at 
that point opened up some good paying mines, showing from seven to 
twenty dollars per day for each man. But the bed rock lay from twelve 
to fifteen feet below the surface, and the time necessary, and the cost of 
doing this stripping, before reaching pay dirt, discouraged those who 
had seemingly expected to pick up nuggets upon the bars in the streams. 
The Gray party decided to sell out their surplus supplies and move on 
over the mountains to Walla Walla, or some other good point, and pur- 
chase a hotel. 

After several days spent in fishing, hunting and prospecting, Bryan, 
myself and eleven others organized a party to go to the "Beaver-Head 
country" 10 on a prospecting tour. W r e had heard exciting stories of United 
States soldiers finding rich prospects while marching through that region. 


We hired John W. Powell as guide and July 21st we gathered and 
rode up the Deer Lodge camping two miles above Johnny Grant's houses. 
The Deer Lodge valley is a beautiful park, some thirty miles in length 
and of varying width, surrounded by high mountains, and at that time was 
full of game. We took our noon lunch at the Hot Springs, having killed 
an antelope as we rode. In the midst of the prairie there rises a conical 
mound some sixty feet across its base and about thirty-five feet high, 
built up' by the mineral salts contained in the boiling hot water bubbling 
and sizzling in a cavity at the apex of the mound. Xear by, flows the 
clear cool waters of the Deer Lodge, and at the base of the cone are 
basins a few feet deep containing w r ater of various degrees of temperature. 
It is a wonderful exhibition of the works of nature. In the early evening 
we had a big scare. Far up the creek we saw forms moving about among 
the low shrubbery and all were sure that they saw Indians. We organized 
our forces in military fashion, Major William Graham being chosen com- 
mander, and voted to set regular guards, changing at midnight. Upon a 
thorough examination with a field glass, we found our enemies to be a 
pack of wolves. Our guide knew of a pass in the main chain of the 
Rocky mountains, more to the east than the trail toward Salt Lake then 
ran, which he said would bring us out near the ''Three Forks." As we 
made our way up the Deer Lodge, some one discovered a large animal 
upon a bench of land far ahead. Powell thought it was a grizzly bear, 
and Parker, Mandeville and I, prepared to go in pursuit. Powell warned 
us of the danger, but we determined to hunt the bear. As we rode deep 
in the valley we could not see the animal, but we fixed upon the spot 
where the high bench pushed out into the valley, and when we came 
to it my companions followed up a small run which came down from the 
bench, while I continued around the nose of the hill, and followed up 
another similar run. When at the hight of land I raised myself and about 
twenty rods away stood an immense buffalo, the largest I ever saw. 
Across the bench I saw Parker and signalled him to shoot, which he did. 
Immediately the big beast headed toward me on a gallop. I slunk back 
into my ditch, with nerves at highest tension, and ready to fire in an 
instant. After waiting seemingly ten minutes, no buffalo appearing, I 
ventured to take another view. The big brute stood not far distant on 


the plain, turned around once or twice and laid himself down as would 
an ox. I approached with rifle ready for instant use, but the beast was 
dead. Mandeville was the butcher and we found that Parker's bullet had 
passed through his heart. Cutting out the choice pieces we left a moun- 
tain of meat to the wolves and turkey buzzards. He was of the species 
called a Wood Buffalo, and his head would have been a prize for any 
museum. His head and fore locks were so full of teazles, burrs and seeds, 
that he must have been blind for years. 

From all the information which I can gather, the city or mines of 
Butte stand upon the spot where we killed the buffalo. The next day we 
passed through the mountains and travelling down a branch of White 
tail Deer creek, we came across a real grizzly, but he was on the farther 
side of the creek and the canon was so deep that we could not cross to 
attack him. Camping in a small park filled with beaver dams, we were 
driven nearly wild by mosquitoes. In fact they did stampede the horses 
and we had a long hunt for them in the morning. After a twenty -five 
mile ride we made camp in a pretty park filled with dry, tall grass. In 
the morning all the party but Rawlings, an Englishman, and I, started 
out to prospect a small creek we had passed. We were to keep camp 
and bake bread. I built a fire under the shade of some bushes to protect 
it from the wind while Rawlings went into the grass and digging out a 
little hole without scattering the fresh earth over the grass about his 
fire place, started it and went to the creek for water. In a few minutes 
a gust of wind sent the fire into the grass and the whole country was on 
fire. I fired guns to bring in the men, and lugged all the saddles, blankets 
and camp material on to a burned spot where I had spread down blankets, 
while Rawlings jumped up and down and yelled like a crazy man, giving 
no aid whatever. An immense cloud of smoke rolled uc and that night 
we set extra guard, for fear that the Indians would find our camp by the 
great smoke. We followed north on the foot hills of the range, having a 
hard ride over a very rocky trail, but camped in a beautiful valley filled 
with game. I killed two wolves which were lurking near our camp. 

The next morning not a horse was to be found in camp. The horse 
guard followed the trail back to our dinner camp of the day before and 
found the missing* animals luxuriating in an acreage of sweet grass which 


they had discovered on their previous visit. Re also found that two 
Indians had occupied our abandoned camp. How they missed our stray 
horses we cannot imagine. As we are watched we will have to be more 
careful of our horses in the future. Being- very fond of shooting I am 
privileged to ride in front with the guide. Today as we came out of a 
deep canon we ran onto two mountain sheep. Powell whispered to me 
"take the left one." I slipped off my horse and under great excitement 
fired at the big fellow not ten rods away standing broad side toward me. 
Off up the mountain side he ran while I let go the bullet in my smooth- 
bore barrel, which only added to his speed. This was the only time 
I ever had a,n attack of buck fever. I don't suppose that I saw the forward 
sight on my rifle during the whole incident. Powell's sheep rolled over 
and died. iWe were sure he would weigh 250 pounds, and with great 
regret were obliged to abandon a fine set of horns at least five inches in 
diameter at the base. Gathered around the camp-fire that evening we 
found roast mountain sheep fine eating. 

The following day we continued north on the east side of the main 
Rocky-Mountain range for 25 miles and camped on Crow creek. Powell 
claimed that the previous year he had found a good showing of gold at 
this place. We killed an antelope just as we made camp. Cutting off 
what our immediate necessities required, by using a pole we hung the 
remainder of the carcass so high on a tree that flies would not find it, 
where it might, even without salt, safely remain until cured by the dry 
air. We have killed an antelope every day since we started, excepting 
the first. 

After two days prospecting on Crow creek we concluded that although 
a color or fine gold was found in nearly every pan of earth, that it was 
too much diffused to warrant us in taking up claims. After a confer- 
ence we decided to return to the large creek (Boulder) where we had 
recently camped. ' Riding in advance I killed a two-year-old buffalo heifer 
which proved the sweetest meat I ever tasted. The unshod feet of my 
pony had become very sore, and taking the scalp of the buffalo I made 
it into moccasins for my horse which did good service. While carelessly 
riding with my bridle reins lying on the horse's neck, using both hands 
in loading my revolver, as I passed close by an old buffalo skull a rattle- 


snake suddenly sounded his alarm, and the horse jumping one side 
pitched me off. I fell upon the sharp buffalo horn cutting a deep hole 
in my right elbow, the scar of which I carry today. Which was the more 
frightened, the rattler or myself I hardly know, but his rattles were 
added to a score or more in my possession. My pony took a long circuit 
and recovering from his fright returned to me. It was our custom when 
we made camp at places which we suspected were infested with rattle- 
snakes, to coil around our sleeping places a lariat made from buffalo 
hair, and I never knew of a snake crossing such a barrier. We made 
camp upon a little creek making into the large stream, where there was 
good feed for the horses. At midnight it became my turn to stand on 
guard. I went out a few rods from camp and lay down in some high 
grass. Perhaps I had fallen asleep, but raising my head cautiously I was 
sure that I saw Indians creeping toward camp in the tall grass. How a 
man's heart will throb under such circumstances. My first thought was 
to fire at the moving creatures as shown by the moving grass. Then it 
occurred to me that if it was a false alarm, that I would be the laughing 
stock of the party. As I lay upon my stomach, every nerve and sense 
was under the most intense strain. The light in the east grew more and 
more powerful as I watched the moving grass, ready to fire at any instant, 
my nerves calmed, and I determined to kill at least one of those Indians 
before alarming my comrades. All my dreams of glory suddenly faded 
as up bobbed the ears of a prairie wolf. I let the boys sleep 'till morning. 
We moved camp some eight miles to the mouth of the canyon, where 
we prospected, finding indications of gold scattered through the gravel: 
Moving up the river over a very rough trail at a distance of perhaps 
twelve miles we camped for dinner upon a small creek coming in from 
the north. While the cook was busy, Powell sunk a shallow prospect hole 
and taking a pan of dirt washed from it a fine showing of gold. Im- 
mediately all were excited, and before dinner was ready, we were sure 
that we had made a valuable discovery. A mining district was organ- 
ized, Maj. W. 'Graham being chosen president and myself recorder. The 
creek was named for Dr. Atkinson, (now Boulder) and the small one 
Powell's Run. The Boulder Mining District being organized, claims up 
and down the streams were recorded, and all joined in working on a pros- 


pect hole begun by my partner. Bryan. We went down some ten feet, 
finding gold all the way, some pans showing as much as half a penny- 
weight, but we did not find bed rock. 

Our provisions were exhausted and we struck across the mountain 
for Deer Lodge. We camped on the summit August 6th. it being bittei 
cold and ice formed a half inch in thickness. 

We reached our home camp at the Johnny Grant houses to find that 
during our absence of sixteen days, at least a hundred of old miners had 
arrived from 'Tike's Peak" the most of whom were dead broke — without 
money or provisisons. Capt. Willard, who had remained in camp had 
welcomed them all. had dealt out our stores with a most liberal hand to 
all who would promise to secure us claims in any discoveries which they 
should make. His methods were not approved by most of his associates, 
and much friction was the result. Those of our party who had remained 
in camp had plotted "Deer Lodge city" at the junction of the Little 
Blackfoot and Deer Lodge rivers, and it looked like some newly pro- 
jected Kansas town. When Deer Lodge city really materialized, its loca- 
tion was several miles up the valley. During the two days I spent at the 
home camp I was kept busy answering the questions of the 'Tike's 
Peakers" concerning the new discoveries. When three of our party set 
out to return to Boulder, we were followed by a crowd of the new comers 
anxious to find some placer where they could get sufficient gold to keep 
them through the approaching winter. We camped again at the summit, 
(my fourth crossing) and once more suffered with cold. The same day 
Mr. and Mrs. Gould of our party left for Fort Benton upon their way 
to St. Louis. When, travelling down the creek I told the "Peakers" that 
the discovery was but a mile ahead, away they went with a yell each de- 
termined to sret nearest the discoverv claim. Before I could unsaddle mv 
horse some beset me to record their claims. 

(To be Continued) 

(S>rttm^m $c (Jommntt 

on ^oofi^ anb lEHljer j^uhjecti? 

The article entitled "The Higginson-Skelton Migration to Salem in 
1629/' by Frank A. Gardner, M. D., is the final one of a series to appear 
in the Massachusetts Magazine, describing the various settlements in 
Massachusetts Bay, prior to the coming of the great migration under 
John Winthrop in 1630. The titles of these papers have been as follows : 
"The Founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony," "John Endicott and 
the Men Who Came to Salem in the Abigail in 1628," "The Settlers 
About Boston Bay Prior to 1630,'' and 'The Higginson-Skelton Migration 
to Salem in 1629." 

In these articles the purpose, organization, equipment, attainments 
and personnel of the various groups of settlers have been described. 
Biographical sketches of over eighty men who came here for the purpose 
of settling during that period, have been given. The great importance 
of the work which they accomplished cannot be over-estimated as they 
were the men who proved by their courageous endeavor, that a success- 
ful settlement could be made here. The migration which came under 
John Winthrop was great and strong and wonderfully well equipped, be- 
cause those earlier men had shown to the men of England, what could be 
done here, and had thus secured their active co-operation and pecuniary 
assistance. To these early pioneers in the wilderness, the Massachusetts 
of today owes her existence, and her sons should forever honor and re- 
vere their memories. nf/ 

46 -* 7> * 




Published by the Salem Press Co. Salem, Mass. USA 


CIjc jHassadjitscffs JJtagaftim 

A Quarterly cTVlagazine Devoted to History, Genealogy and Biography 


George Sheldon, 


Charles A. Flaog, 


Dr. Frank A. Gardner, 


Lucie M. Gardner, 


Albert W. Dbnnii 


Issued in January, April, July and October. Subscription, $2.50 per year, Single copies, 75c 


APEI1. 1913 

HO. 2. 

Caitttufs of Hub Jbsuc. 

Genealogical Charles A. Flagg 

Reminiscences of Four Score Years Judge Francis M. Thompson 
Col. Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment Frank A Gardner, M. D. 




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Entered as second-claes matter March J3, 1908, at the post office at Salem, Mass., under the act of Congrre-^ 
of March 3, 1879. Office of publication, 300 Eesex Street, Salem, Mass. 


By Charles A. Flagg. 

The following notes are not de- 
signed to advocate a new system of 
printing genealogies. That found in 
the "New England historical and 
genealogical register" and known as 
the "Register plan" is in pretty gen- 
eral use, and nothing better offers 
itself. To be sure there is opportun- 
ity for individual preferences even 
h ere — personally the writer favors 
supplementary tabular pedigrees, at 
least for the earlier generations, and 
if possible would .emphasize anew 
that he who neglects for any reason 
to provide a good index shows but 
scant respect for his own work or 
its users. 

Manuals in plenty have been pre- 
pared giving various persons' ideas 
on the way to begin, systems of note 
taking, schemes of notation, kinds 
of paper, etc., etc. Assuming that 
all this is settled, wte apprehend that 
there is considerable ignorance and 
uncertainty abroad as to the tools 
one has to work with — the actual 
reference books that can be consult- 
ed to aid us in the collecting of rec- 
cords and tradition. 

To one essaying the history of a 
family, clearly the first inquiry 
(after gathering the personal rec- 
ords in one's own family) should be: 
What has been done already in this 
field? "The American genealogist. 
5th edition, Albany 1900"* is a fair- 
ly complete list of separately print- 
ed family histories in the United 
States before that date. Don't forget 
however, first, that no bibliographi- 
cal list is ever absolutely complete. 
when printed and. second, that many 
such family histories appear every 
year. For those since iooo one can 
not do better than consult the no- 
tices and reviews in each number 
of the "New England historical and 
genealogical register," and later 
grouped in the annual subject index. 
If it is convenient, consult also 
such important library catalogues as 
"A finding list of genealogies and 
town and local histories containing 
family records, in the Public Li- 
brary of the city of Boston. Bos- 
ton. 1900," 80 pages; and "American 
and English genealogies in the Li- 
brary of Congress. Preliminary cat- 

•Commonly known by the name of W. H. Whltmore. the orieina 

1 compiler. 




alog-ue. Washington, 1910." 805 

It may be as well to state here 
that in Boston is located the real 
genealogical headquarters of the 
country, the New England Historic 
Genealogical Society. One of this 
society's many invaluable services 
has been in the compilation of a 
manuscript list of family histories 
in preparation, which is kept up to 
date. Tt was first printed in the so- 
ciety's "Register" for 1906 and re- 
printed in pamphlet form as "List of 
genealogies in preparation." Sup- 
plementary lists have since ap- 
peared in the periodical from time 
tcLtime. Those who are mentioned 
as engaged in preparing genealo- 
gies will usually be found willing to 
correspond with interested parties.- 

Only a small portion of genealog- 
ical literature, however, comes out 
in separate form as volume or 
namphlet: by far the greater part 
must be consulted in local histories. 
periodicals and other works of com- 
posite character. A reasonably com- 
prehensive index to. this material is 
now and always has been, a desider- 
atum. The best known attempt to 
supply it is the "Index to American 
genealogies. 5th edition. Albany. 
Joel Munsell's sons, 1900.*" 

This aims to give under the fam- 
ily name, not only books and pamph- 
lets, but articles in local histories. 

society publications, magazines, 
etc., covering three or more genera- 
tions. For publications since 1900, 
the publishers have issued "Supple- 
ment 1900 to 1908 to the Index nt 
genealogies published in 1900, Al- 
bany, 1908," which is pitifully in- 
adequate, in view of the enormous 
output of those years. 

Another work, somewhat similar 
to the '"Index" is Whittemore's 
"Genealogical guide to the first 
settlers of America" which was pub- 
lished in sheets for some years as 
a supplement to the periodical 
"Spirit of 76." and was never com- 
pleted beyond the letter X., as far as 
known. Various libraries, in view 
uf the demand for something better 
than has been published, have their 
own indexes: notably the Newberry 
Library. Chicago. 

It is certainly to be hoped that the 
Xew England Historic Genealogical 
Society, which has begun the com- 
pilation of such an index will soon 
be able to begin its publication. 

If the investigator has followed 
the lines indicated, he has probably 
found something at least suggestive 
if not actually helpful. But the 
search has hardly begun. Two 
broad lines of investigation are now 
before us. which we will term that 
of localities and that of names. Let 
us take them up in that order. 

Bevond all doubt there was a 

•Frequently known by the name of D. S. Durrle, compiler of the early editions. 


"home town" if the family we are 
tracing was of the old New England 
stock, for our ancestors did not 
move so easily as do we of this gen- 
eration. It makes no difference if 
this home was not the first Ameri- 
can residence of the family. Clues 
leading back to that can doubtless 
be found if we can get our line lo- 
cated for a generation or two, be- 
fore 1850. 

Having settled on some town as 
the starting point, one can go to the 
nearest large library and ask if they 
have a history of this town. If they 
do, it can be examined ; if not the 
search may be abandoned right here. 

But let us go about it in a more 
scientific manner. In Massachu- 
setts, vital records (births, mar- 
riages and deaths) have always been 
kept in the towns, while the settle- 
ment of estates (probate records) 
and the transfer of real estate 
(deeds) are in the care of the coun- 
ties. "Report on the custody and 
condition of the public records "i 
parishes, towns and counties, by 
Carroll D. Wright, Boston, 1889" 
shows just what manuscript records 
of these kinds there were at that 
time on file, and where. It is the 
first of a series of "Annual reports 
of the Commissioner ot public rec- 
ords ;" and later numbers, while 
chiefly administrative, give many 
supplementary data. It should be 

noted that these reports cover als<« 
the church records of baptisms, 

marriages and deaths for all the 
towns, which are often of the great- 
est importance, especially in the 
case of the oldest town churches. 

Certain of the towns have printed 
their early records entire or in part : 
and under a law of the common- 
wealth passed in 19x52 for encour- 
agement of such publication-, al- 
phabetical digests of the vital rec- 
ords to 1850 of about T50 others 
have been printed by societies and 
individuals. Many other- are now 
under way and the entire state will 
probably be covered in time.* 

So much for the official records 
Considering next the mass of print- 
ed historical material, there have 
been several bibliographical publi- 
cations devoted to this very subject. 

Ludewig (1846) and Perkin- 
(1876) give bibliographies of local 
literature for the whole United 
States, while Colburn (1871) is re- 
stricted to Massachusetts: Griffin's 
"Index'' (1889) and its Supplement 
(1806) list American local historical 
articles in certain historical serials 
for a term of years, and "Poole' 5 ; In- 
dex" and its supplements to tqto. 
and "Wilson's "Readers guide" since 
1900 give magazine articles on all 
subjects, alphabetically, and can be 
searched under name of town in 
which we are interested. 

•This series indexes not merely the official town records hut church, cemetery and 
even private family records, with greater or less compl^t^n^ss. 



The "Guide to Massachusetts lo- 
cal history" published by the Salem 
Press Company in 1907 supersedes 
them all pretty thoroughly as far as 
relates to the state ; listing not only 
books, pamphlets, articles in periodi- 
cals, etc., but also works in prepara r 
tion, scrap books of local material, 
and unofficial manuscripts* such as 
the copies of local cemetery inscrip- 
tions, valuable to the genealogist 
and now growing very numerous. 

One important feature of the last- 
named work is its maps, showing 
town boundaries. These should be 
used in connection with the note on 
territorial changes under each town. 
Many a searcher has failed to get on 
the right trail, through neglect to 
regard dates of organization of 
counties, the subdivision of towns 
and the transfer of a portion of ter- 
ritory from one to another. And it 
happens not infrequently that mem- 
bers of a family living near the bor- 
der line of one town attended 
church or were buried in the neigh- 
boring village of another town. 

Let us use the town of Westbor- 
ough as an example. It was ^et off 
from the town of Marlborough, 
Middlesex County as a new town in 
T717, and has since received acces- 
sions of territory from Sutton in 
1728, Shrewsbury in 1762 and 1793 
and Upton in 1763: and the north- 

ern half of the town was set off as 
Xurthborough in 1766. When the 
new county of Worcester was form- 
ed in 1731, Westborough was made 
a part of it. 

The town and church records of 
births, etc.. before 171 1 will, as a 
rule, be found in Marlborough (a- 
there is no existing church in West- 
borough dating back of the incor- 
poration of the town). Rut inhabi- 
tants of the southern and western 
parts of the town after 1728, 176.} 
and 1793 may have been annexed 
from Sutton, Upton or Shrewsbury 
in which towns their previous rec- 
ords must be sought. Turning to 
"Report on . . public records" men- 
tioned above, we find on page 292 
that the town records are in good 
condition and indexed ('with added 
information in ;th report, page 14 
and 15th report, page 12. Pago 
78 shows what church records 
there are of existing churches while 
on page 139 it appears there are 
no extinct churches. Deeds and 
probate records before 1731 would 
be found at the Middlesex County 
court house in East Cambridge ; af- 
ter 1731 in Worcester, and reference 
to "Reports on . . . public record^' 
again will show what records there 

Amateur genealogists in this 
part of the country are pretty ^ure 

♦One line of work, the listine of manuscript diaries nr journals was touched upon 
onlv incidentally in this work. Mrs. Harriett^ M. Forbes of Worcester, a most . ;ir^ 
investigator, has been encased for years in tracing and locating such material. w Hen 
published her list with its local index will be a boon to searchers. 



to pay too little attention to pro- 
bate records and deeds at the coun- 
ty court houses. The searching 
and unravelling of these records is 
a slow and laborious process. This 
kind of investigation often gives 
the most wonderful returns and the 
results are the best check upon the 
troublesome cases of identity of 
name which are such vexatious 
sources of error. The difficulty of 
consulting such records as compared 
with those of towns and churches 
is doubtless the cause of this dis- 
favor but we must remember that 
in other parts of the country, no- 
tably in the South, they are practi- 
cally the only resource open to 

For published works since the 
appearance of the "Guide" in 1907, 
there are the annual volumes of 
"Writings on American history/' 
compiled by Grace G. Griffin;* 
while the "New England historical 
and genealogical register," pub- 
lishes quarterly reviews of impor- 
tant books in its field, and the 
"Massachusetts magazine" has, from 
1908 through 191 1, a special depart- 
ment entering all historical material 
on the state: books, pamphlets and 
articles. The arrangement, by 
towns and counties, alphabetically, 
make the first and last of the three 
particularly easy of reierence, but 
no notices and reviews are given 
as in the second named. 

•Beginning with 1906. 

The carrying out oi these Sugges- 
tions will put our searcher in com- 
mand of the titles of about all there 
is on local history of any Massa- 
chusetts town. Some of the title- 
can probably be ignored but when 
one is sure of the locality oi the fam- 
ily home, it is wise to glean his ma- 
terial pretty carefully. The unin- 
dexed pamphlets and works that 
Munsell's Index would never men- 
tion, offer solutions to many a gen 
ealogical tangle. And by all mean- 
scan the vital records of the neigh- 
boring town^ for the family name. 
This always pays. 

The local directories are very 
helpful for the last generation or 
two, and for many of the cities and 
larger towns begin in the earlier 
half of the 19th century. They fre- 
quently notice deaths and removals. 
Publications of Masonic bodies, old 
school catalogues, etc., are likewise 
valuable to the genealogist. 

Let us now consider the other line 
of research mentioned — that of per- 
sonal names; and we may as well 
start with the genealogical diction- 
aries of our early colonists. These 
are three in number: Farmer's "Gen- 
ealogical register of the first settlers 
of America" 1829, a work of the 
greatest value, but largely super- 
seded by the next mentioned: Sav- 
ages "Genealogical dictionary of the 
first settlers of New England.*' 
showing three generations of those 



who came before 1692, four volumes, 
1860-62. Though half a century has 
elapsed since the publication of this 
monumental work, it remains the 
standard to our day. We do not 
mean that new information has not 
been unearthed or that the work is 
free from errors, but Savage had just 
the peculiar qualifications necessary. 
He was so persistent in gathering 
data and so conservative in his use 
of them, that a statement made on 
his authority bears great weight. 
The two works named have the 
whole of New England for their 
field. Pope's "Pioneers of Massachu- 
setts/' limits itself to the one state, 
to immigrants before 1650 and their 
children only. A great amount of 
additional material unknown to Sav- 
age has been here made available, 
but we should say the genealogical 
world considers it a supplement 
rather than a successor of the older 

In this connection, if there is a set 
of the "New England historical and 
genealogical register'' at hand, do 
not fail to consult the consolidated 
index to volumes 1-50, one of the 
largest and most satisfactory pieces 
of indexing ever accomplished. The 
settlers who are not at least men- 
tioned in the "Register' must be 
few in number. 

If we are now so fortunate as to 
have found the earliest ancestor of 
our family, very naturally we desire 
to know more about him. Practi 

cally all our early settlers were Eng- 
lish, or at least from the British 
Isles. Hotten's "Original lists of 
persons of quality, emigrants, and 
others who went from Great Britain 
to the American plantations 1600- 
1700" was published in 1874 (later 
appearing under title "Our Ameri 
can ancestors"). This is well in- 
dexed lor reference, and the com- 
piler gathered all he could conven- 
iently find at the time, but the field 
has been much worked over since 
and more is being done every day. 
Consult also the contributions of f. 
A. Emmerton, II. F. Waters. Loth- 
rop Withington, Elizabeth French 
and others, appearing originally in 
periodicals as the Essex Institute 
historical collections, New England 
historical and genealogical register. 
Genealogical magazine, etc., and for 
the most part reprinted later as sep- 

This leads very naturally to a con- 
sideration of the transatlantic ori- 
gins of the family : Marshall's "Gen- 
ealogists' guide," 1903, for Great 
Britain, is very similar in scope tG 
Munsell's "Index," and another 
work worthy of consultation is Gate- 
field's "Guide to printed books and 
manuscripts relating to English and 
foreign heraldry and genealogy." 
In case we have ascertained the Eng- 
lish home of the family, we nave 
Anderson's "Book of British topog- 
raphy," 1SS1, a bibliography of local 
history, and "Parish registers: a li-t 



of those printed, or of which manu- 
script copies exist in public collec- 
tions/' 1900, and its "Appendix," 
1908, issued as Publications 30 and 
61, respectively, of the Parish Reg- 
ister Society, London. "Research in 
England, by J. Henry Lea," origin- 
ally appearing in the "New England 
historical and genealogical register'' 
April, 1904 to Jan, 1905 and reprint- 
ed as a pamphlet, is replete with 
suggestions from one who knew 
the field thoroughly. It contains 
lists of manuscript probate records 
of the English courts and marriage 
licenses of the various dioceses; 
classes of records that should not be 

Heraldic visitations of the various 
counties may be consulted, and 
Burke's "General armory" gives 
the armorial bearings of English 
families, which, however should 
never be accepted by Americans on 
mere identity of names — actual 
proof of descent from one who le- 
gally bore them is necessary and 
that is not usually an easy thing to 

The library of the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society has a 
splendid collection of parish regis- 
ters, indexes to wills, and kindred 
books, which because of its accessi- 
bility and completeness is highly 
prized by the American genealo- 
gists who wish researches made in 
English records. 

One can also consult the "List of 

works in the New York Public Li- 
brary relating to British genealogy 
and local history/' published serial- 
ly in Vol. 14 of the monthly "Bul- 
letin of the New York Public Li- 
brary," beginning June, 1910. 

To return to Massachusetts, 
names of members of the family 
should be sought among the various 
publications whose indexes make 
reference easy. First, fur the colon 
ial period ; in the Plymouth colony 
consult "Records of the colony of 
New Plymouth in New England," 
12 volumes in 10, consisting of the 
court orders, judicial acts, laws, 
deeds, etc.; Peirce's colonial lists," 
by E. W. Peirce, which lists colonial 
and local officials in the colony ; the 
various publications of the '"Society 
of Mayflower Descendants," nation- 
and state, including particularly the 
indexes of its valuable quarterly per- 
iodical, the "Mayflower descend- 
ants''; also Bodge's "Soldiers in 
King Philip's war," for those who 
served from this colony. 

In the Massachusetts Bay Colony 
for the same period, there are "Rec- 
ords of the Governor and company 
of the [Massachusetts Bay in New 
England, 1626 to 1686," 5 volumes; 
"Record of the Court of assistants of 
the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 
1630-1692" (of which only the per- 
iods 1630-44 and 1673-92 have been 
published to date; volume III would 
complete the work). 

Whitmore's "Massachusetts civil 



list" for the colonial and provincial 
periods" gives those in public serv- 
ice, including the colony's freemen. 
See also Andrews "List of freemen" 
1906, though lists of the colony 
freemen are printed in the Records 
and elsewhere. 

And, bearing in mind that the first 
division into counties was made in 
1643, an<J that from that date down 
to 1668 Suffolk included practically 
all the colony outside of Essex and 
Middlesex, the records at the court 
house of Suffolk County (now con- 
taining little more than Boston it- 
self) which go back to the earliest 
days of the colony, are of the utmost 

Consult "Suffolk deeds" liber I- 
XIII, 1629-1686; also "Index to the 
probate records of the councy of Suf- 
folk. From the year 1636 to and 
including the year 1893," 3 volumes. 
Suffolk wills, 1639- 1670 were copied 
by W. B. Trask and others and 

private of the province of Massachu- 
setts Bay, 1692-1780,"' lias reached 
its 17th volume, of which the first 
five give Public acts, the sixth Pri- 
vate acts, 1692-1780 and the others 
Resolves, etc., from 1692 down as 
far as 1764. 

We are sure to be interested in 
colonial war service and while the 
state has published no lists for the 
colonial- period, there is a very use- 
ful card index in the office of the 
Secretary of the Commonwealth at 
Boston, giving names of all soldiers 
from 1710 to 1744 as found on the 
state archives. The various publi- 
cations of the '"Society of Colonial 
Wars," national and state are help- 

In the matter of Revolutionary 
service, Massachusetts is fortunate 
in having the full state records 
"Massachusetts soldiers and sailers 
in the Revolutionary war,'' is^ed 
by the Secretary of the Comma 1- 

printed in 'New England historical wealth and recently completed in 1; 

and genealogical register," volume 

2 tO 48. 

Bodge's "Soldiers in King Philip's 
war," should also be used for that 

The Plymouth and Massachusetts 
Bay colonies were united in 1692. 
Whitmore's Civil list, already cited, 
covers the period down to the Revo- 

"The acts and resolves, public and 

volumes.* The names are arranged 
in one great alphabet, with partict. 
lars of service and sources of infor- 
mation; but there is no attempt to 
give the histories of the regiments 
as such. Very little has been done 
in that line. Nathan Goold has pre- 
pared sketches of two or thret 
which were raised in the district of 
Maine, and F. A. Gardner is pub- 
lishing histories of regiments, one 

W h f J>5A c i al SKtHS ttS&'SSS 

There are other rolls and lists, manuscript and printed The 
m«nt fl rv rollection bv far is the enormous mass of military 

records of the National 
government in Washington, in the Adjutant" General's office of the War Department. 



in each number of the "Mas^achu- pension list in pursuance of the act 
setts magazine" since its beginning of the 18th March, r8l8." This was 

in January, 1908. 

For Revolutionary officers, the 
standard work is Heitman's "Regis- 
ter," which has brief sketches, dates 
of commission, etc., but is quite in- 
complete. It also contains lists o) 
the regiments with field officers as 

the first general service pension law 
possed by the government and in- 
cludes many names but few details 
about the pensioners; is arranged 
by states of residence, with names 
roughly alphabetized under each. 
The next is the mo>t important : 

far as known. A second and revis- "Report of the Secretary of War 11 

ed edition has lately appeared.f 

The colonies maintained their 
own navies in the Revolution and 
also authorized privateering. Rec- 
ords of the men are to be found 
with the soldiers in the state 
publication mentioned ; while rec- 
ords of the ships and their cruises 
may be sought in another series of 
articles by F. A. Gardner in the 
"Massachusetts magazine;" also in 
"Naval records of the American 
Revolution, 1775-1788." prepared 
from the originals in the Library 
of Congress, 1906; and 'A calendar 
of the John Paul Jones manuscripts 
in the Library of Congress," 1903. 
These last two works are well in- 
dexed and give many names of in- 

The various lists of United States 
pensioners are very valuable for 
genealogists. There are three such 
lists of special importance. "Letter 
from the Secretary of War transmit- 
ting a report of the names, rank and 
line of every person placed on the 

relation to the pension establish- 
ment of the United States," 1835, 3 

The arrangement is by state of 
residence of the pensioner (not of 
war service) giving five groups un- 
der each state; 1st, invalid pension- 
ers; 2d, heirs of non-commissioned 
officers and privates pensioned un- 
der act of 1816: 3d. pensioners un- 
der act of 1818; 4th, pensioners un- 
der act of 1832 ; 5th, beneficiaries un- 
der act of 1828. pensioning those 
who had been entitled to half pay or 
commutation for continuing in ser- 
vice till close of the Revolution. 
The work is not particularly easy of 
use, as each group is subdivided by 
county, and names are not strictly 

By 184T, sixty years after the 
close of hostilities, the pensioners 
were reduced to a comparatively 
^mall number and there appeared 
the "Census of pensioners for Rev- 
olutionary or military service, with 
their names, age?, and places of resi- 

tCalendar of the correspondence of Georsre Wa.shinsrton with the officers of the 
Continental army, pub. by the Library of Conerr^ss, 191 "i in 4 volumes, should also DC 



dence." This too is arranged by 
the homes of the pensioners. For 
our particular use, the arrangement 
of all these lists and their common 
lack of indexes are serious objec- 
tions. Simply knowing, for exam- 
ple, that Thomas Brown served 
from Massachusetts in the "Revolu- 
tion, unless we know where he lived 
it is a weary search to discover if 
he survived in 1820, '35 and '40. res- 
pectively, or was pensioned at all. 

Then there are the publications of 
the various patriotic societies : the 
D. A. R., D. R., S. A. R., S. R,. etc., 
as well as the Cincinnati. Many of 
them give names of the members 
or their ancestors who w r ere in ser- 
vice, notably the series of Lineage 
books of the D. A. R. 

But not all Americans of T776 
were patriots ; few American famil- 
ies were without their Tory repre- 
sentatives. The standard work in 
that field has long been Sabine's 
"American loyalists, " which has 
appeared in several editions and is 
well indexed. Stark's "Loyalists of 
Massachusetts,'' 1910. is the latest 
work and should also be consulted. 

Coming down now to i/QO "The 
heads of families at the first census 
of the L T nited States in the year 
1790" published by the Census office 
in T907 is a most valuable reference 
book for the genealogist, being in 
reality a directory ot the State, 
though the names are not arranged 

alphabetically, under the various 
towns. Under the names of head- 
of families are columns for number 
of free white males over 16, under 
16. free white females, all other free 
persons, and slaves. As the period 
just following the Revolution was 
one of unprecedented emigration, 
such a list at this time is a great 
boon. There is another publication 
for the same period which may be 
useful, "Marriage notices. 1785- 
1794, for the whole United State-. 
Copied from the Massachusetts cen- 
tinel by C. K. Bolton." Reprinted 
in Salem, 1900, from "Putnam's his- 
torical magazine" and its successor 
the "Genealogical quarterly maga- 
zine," 1 894- 1 900. 

There has been very little pub- 
lished in the way of rolls for the 
War of 1812* or the Mexican war. 
The next few years is likely to see 
much more of it. hut Massachusetts 
by no means took the pre-eminent 
position at those times that had been 
hers in the colonial wars and the 
Revolution. The various records of 
privateering, 1812-1815 are large!} 
of "Massachusetts interest and sev- 
eral such contributions have ap- 

Takincr up the Civil war, there 
is the 'Official army register of the 
volunteer forces of the LTnited 
States army, in 8 volumes. Vol. I 
covers all Xew England, and gives 
names of officers with commissions 

•A mast valuable work has lately been Issued by the state. "Records of the IffcW 
chuetts volunteer militia . . . during: the war of 1ST 2-14. Boston. 1913." 



and casualties, with a full index of 
names. "Massachusetts in the ar- 
my and navy during- the war; pre- 
pared by T. W. Higginson," (2 vols.. 
1895-96) has statistics of each regi- 
ment, lists of men killed and those 
who died in service ; also many de- 
tails about the officers. It is fully 
indexed. There is as yet no com- 
prehensive record of Civil war sold- 
iers such as the state has prepared 
for the Revolutionary war, but the 
Reports of the Adjutant-General for 
the war period give original rolls. 
and most of the regiments have 
good histories, with lists of all men 
in the service. 

For lists of Massachusetts rolls, 
etc., in all the wars, consult the 
"Bibliography of New England lists 
of soldiers, by Mary E. Baker," pub- 
lished in the New England histori- 
cal and genealogical register begin- 
ning January, 1910 and reprinted as 
a pamphlet. Unfortunately it men- 
tions only works found in the New 
York State Library, but still it will 
be found very useful. 

In addition to the invaluable in- 
dex of names in the New England 
historical and genealogical register, 
already referred to, there are certain 
other indexes of easy reference 
which contain a wealth of Massa- 
chusetts names ; notably those to 
the Proceedings of the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society, 1st and 2d 
series, (20 volumes each, with a vol- 
ume of index to each series) and the 

"Collections" of the same society 

(now in their 7th scries, of 10 vol- 
umes each, with a general index in 
the last volume) ; the Eben Putnam 
series of periodicals 1890-1908, (! Sa- 
lem Press historical and genealogi- 
cal record. 2 v., Putnam's historical 
magazine, 7 v., Genealogical quar- 
terly magazine, 5 v., and Genealogi- 
cal magazine, 2 v.) and the Geneal- 
ogical advertiser, 4 v.. 1898-1901. 

Another source of material not 
often used, may be found in the 
catalogues of some of our largest li- 
braries, such as the Boston Public, 
under the family name sought : not 
only the subject catalogues for bi- 
ographies, funeral addresses, trials 
etc., but author catalogues also 
for journals, narrative?, memoirs, 
by members of the family, as well 
as the biographic sketches often pre- 
fixed to or included in monographs 
or collected works of authors of the 

Examination of the general and 
biographical catalogues of the older 
colleges is often productive of re- 
sults, as well as sketches of their 
graduates in the various wars. 

It is well known that Massachu- 
setts men have borne a large part 
in building up the communities to 
the westward, from the earnest 

No sooner was the Revolution 
closed than there began an import- 
ant emigration to Maine. Vermont, 
the upper Hudson Valley in New 



York, and to Ohio, and these move- 
ments spread up the Mohawk Val- 
ley and all through the Old North- 

The loss of individuals in this 
great movement to the West lias 
caused no end of trouble to genealo- 
gists. To search the local histories 
of these vast regions, way out to 
the Pacific for any single fami 1 y is 
too great an undertaking. The pres- 
ent writer, feeling the need of a be- 
ginning in this field has been pub- 
lishing in the "Massachusetts maga- 
zine/' Salem, an index of the names 
of Massachusetts men and women 
who emigrated, as found in the 
county histories of Michigan (some 
70 volumes examined) : comprising 
not only Michigan settlers from 
Massachusetts, but ancestors ot 
such settlers who are mentioned as 
coming from the state. This is to 
be reprinted with additions as 
a pamphlet As far as known there 
has been no other attempt to make 
this class of material available. 

Not all individuals whose names 
disappeared from view, however, 
w-ere emigrants. From early times 
the General Court has authorized 
changes of names, and in 1893 tn - e 
Secretary of the Commonwealth is- 
sued a volume "List of persons 
whose names have been changed in 
Massachusetts, 1780-1892/' with in- 

dexes of both original and adopted 
names. The annual volumes of 
"Acts and resolves passed by the 
General Court'' suplement this. 

Do not infer that the foregoing i v 

anything more than a somewhat 
disconnected set of suggestions, ft 

is not at all exhaustive, but surely 
no family historian can afford to 
overlook any of these sources of in- 
formation. They will inevitably 
suggest others. 

Aside from the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society the 
other notable genealogical collec- 
tions in this country are Maine 
Genealogical Society. Portland; 
Maine Historical Society, Portland ; 
New Hampshire Krs'torical Society, 
Concord; New Hampshire State Li- 
brary, Concord; Public Library, 
P>oston ; American Antiquarian So- 
ciety, Worcester, Mass. : Rhode 
Island Historical Society. Provi- 
dence; New York Public Library. 
New York Genealogical and Bio- 
graphical Society, New York His- 
torical Society, all of New York 
City : Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania. Philadelphia; Library of 
Congress. Washington : Newberry 
Library. Chicago: State Historical 
Society of Wisconsin. Madison and 
Minnesota Historical Society. Min- 


By Judge Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, Massachusetts 

Including His Narrative of Three Tears in the New West, During Which 

He Took in 1862 a 3000-mile Trip From St. Louis up the Missouri, and 

Thence Down the Snake and Columbia Rivers to Portland, and to 

San Francisco, Returning in 1863. 

(Continued from No. I, Vol. VI) 

Immediately work commenced. Exciting- reports came in of fine pros- 
pects, but ten, fifteen and twenty feet were reached, showing- large bould- 
ers, and no bed rock could be found. The situation was exciting and 
desperate. These old experienced miners were without resources, could 
not get through the winter unless they could find ready gold, which they 
could not secure from ground which they thought to be rich, but was too 
deep and too full of great boulders to be worked to success before winter 
closed in. Immediate results could not be assured, and it was evident that 
all must go or all stay, as we were in the midst of the country of the 
wicked Crows who would surely rob any small party. Great tumult pre- 
vailed, and some of the rabble began to find fault with me for having led 
them into such a country. The more reasonable ones declared that I was 
free from blame, that the country was rich in gold, but that it would 
require too much money and time to reap results from it this season. 

I pleaded with our men to stay, but they had decided to go to the Beav- 
er Head country near the Three Forks of the Missouri. Some who had 
lost their horses were compelled to stay a few days, and one of our party 
took out a dollar and a half worth of gold in one pan of gravel. I told our 
men that we had supplies in plenty, and that we ought to take our chances 
with the Crows, and stay by the mines; but I was compelled to go with 
the others. We again crossed the main range, meeting many men hunting 
for the new mines. 

On the 15th of August I reached the home camp, sore and vexed that 
our men had abandoned the Boulder. Most of them are bound for the 



Beaver Plead, but I decided to remain at camp until they got located some- 
where. I again corralled two of Johnny Grant's cows with their calves, 
and I w r as thus enabled to luxuriate in fresh milk and butter. The two 
mountain streams which united in our door yard, were filled with fine 
trout. What we did not need while fresh we corned a little and then 
nailed them to the cabin walls to dry. I find that within two months f 
have ridden my black pony which was never shod, over seven hundred 
miles. After Bryan and the others of our party had started with the 
wagon for Beaver Head, Capt. Willard and I only remained at the home 
station. On a visit to Pioneer Gulch I found forty men working, claim- 
ing to average five dollars per day each. On the jrjth of August fifty-two 
wagons came into Deer Lodge under command of Capt. Tames L. risk, 
^having come overland from St. Paul, following near the British line. In 
the party I found an old friend, Nathaniel P. Langford, afterward ap- 
pointed governor of Montana. 

One day some deer hunte/s came to our cabin from up the Little 
Blackfoot, under considerable excitement, saying that just above they had 
seen a grizzly bear which was so large that they did not dare to attack 
him. Five of us armed with heavy rifles started to bag that bear. We 
reached an island in the creek which was covered with immense bear 
tracks and followed a fresh trail leading into some tall willows. 1 was in 
the rear. Soon the trail failed, and the leader shouted to turn and ^o the 
other way. This change brought me to the front, and picking my way 
along in a new direction, all at once the immense brute rose up within six 
feet of me from behind a clump of willows which he could see over, and 
giving one roar, he left those parts and so did we. Which was the most 
frightened I did not stop to inquire. Evidently he was not the bear we 
wanted. When telling the story to old Malcom Clarke, who had been 
scalped by a grizzly, he said we were mighty lucky to be scared tor that 
if we had wounded him there, we would have been in great danger. Our 
small army returned to camp, one at least conning the old couplet : — 

"He who fights and runs away 
May live to fight some other day." 

About the last of August a man came to our camp and told the follow- 
ing story, which afterward proved to be true. A few days ago three men 
came into Gold Creek diggings having an outfit of three horses and two 
mules. They appeared to be desperate characters and were gamblers, and 
gave their names as William Arnett, C. W. Spillman and B. F. Jernagin, 
and said they were from the west side. About a week after their arrival 
two strangers who said their names were Fox and Bull slipped into the 
settlement in the edge of the evening and finding James Stewart they told 
him thev were from Elk Citv. that the three gamblers had stolen their 


outfit there, and that they had followed them to secure their arrest and 
regain the property, and asked that the citizens aid them. Stuart prom 
ised all necessary co-operation. The searching party organized at once, 
and finding Jernagin in Worden & Co.'s store covered him with their 
shot guns and ordered him to throw up his hands and surrender, which 
he did without a murmur. Placing him under guard they traced the 
other two to a saloon where they were engaged in a monte »ame. Arnett 
was dealing the cards, and as the party stepped inside the door, and 
shouted, "Hold up your hands!" he instinctively grabbed iur fiis pistol 
which was lying in his lap, when Bull shot him through the breast with 
a charge of buckshot, killing him instantly. Jeragin ran into a corner 
shouting, "Don't shoot, I surrender." The two were kept under guard 
until morning. The next morning Arnett was buried, the cards which he 
was dealing being stoutly clenched in his hand. A jury of tw r enty-four men 
was then organized to try the prisoners. Each had a separate hearing 
and Spillman was convicted and Jernagin acquitted, but ordered to quit 
the country in six hours, but he was sure that he did not need so much 
time. Spillman was a tine manly looking fellow of about twenty-five 
years and made no defence at his trial, but said that Jernagin was inno- 
cent, that he was only to be blamed for being in bad company. When 
informed that he was to be hung in half an hour's time, he simply said 
that he would like to write a letter, and in a firm hand he addressed one 
to his father which he left unsealed, in which he recited the circumstances, 
and declared that his ruin was owing to keeping bad company, that he 
hoped his father would forgive him for the stain he had brought upon 
his family, and that his fate might be a warning to o^her young men on 
the road to perdition. When asked if he had any other request to make. 
he said that he had not, and was ready for the end, although the time 
given him had not expired. He walked to the place of execution with 
firm tread, apparently less concerned than any spectator. These proceed- 
ings gave the settlement the name of "Hangtown" which clung to it for 
many years. A Mr. Wood came to our cabin from the Beaverhead minis 
bearing favorable reports from the discoveries. The next day Capt. Wil- 
lard, Watkins and I of our company, and John Cummings, rode up the 
Deer Lodge valley bound for the Grasshopper mines. Antelope are seen 
in abundance near the foothills, but are very wild. The third day out we 
net Mr. King and Mr. Henry with our team, going to our camp for provi- 
sions. They had been surrounded by a war party of fifteen Flathead In- 
dians who had been quite saucy and searched them for provisions. These 
Indians would hardly attack a white party, but there are mighty few 
Indians who will not steal anything they wish from a weaker party than 
themselves. The Snakes and Bannacks who infest the country between 
here and Salt Lake will attack any weak party they meet, when they think 


they will not get whipped. They have already killed some fifteen whites 
and destroyed several loaded wagons. The Bannacks say there are but 
a few hundred whites and that they are all squaws — L e., will not fight. 
One great trouble is to distinguish between the friendlies and the bad ones. 
At night we sleep with our guns beside us, and when particularly fear- 
ful we bring up our horses and tie the lariats to a corner of our blankets. 
Crossed the Rockies for the sixth time next day, and camped near the 
Wisdom or Jefferson Fork. Here we met Lynch, Mead and Eads of our 
party, bound for St. Louis. They had been cleaned out of provisions by 
the Indians, and we had to divide our scanty stock with them. They 
reported that our partners, Bell, Madison, Bryan and Mc Lagan had drav.n 
out of the company and taken a large part of the outfit. Willard, Wat- 
kins and I left the team with some others, and rode ahead for the mines. 
We made a secret camp way up in the mountain, after a long ride. While 
following an Indian trail in the hills away from the travelled road, in com- 
ing down a slope toward a creek we saw approaching a single horseman 
who did not discover us. Willard and I stopped at the creek, while Wat- 
kins in trying to cross some distance below, got mixed up in beaver 
dams, and at last coming out of the brush saw the single horseman, and 
thinking it was one of us, halloed and started on a gallop to catch up. 
The stranger thought Watkins an Indian and put his horse into a run in 
order to save his scalp. Away he went without looking back, and for 
forty years I have wondered who he was. On the 3d of September, 1862, 
we reached the mines and found our men getting dirt from a bluff about 
sixty feet above the Grasshopper which they pulled down the hill in raw- 
hide bags, and washed in a rocker. They were getting from $5 to $12 
each per day, while many who found pockets in the bed rock secured fab- 
ulous amounts. The next day I purchased eighteen feet of whip sawed 
boards, and made me a rocker, paying $7.20 for the lumber. 

John White of Capt. Jack Russell's Denver party, first discovered 
gold on the Grasshopper. The party were on their way to Florence and 
Oro Fino, and had reached Fort Lemhi, a Mormon station on a branch 
of the Snake river, but found the season so far advanced that they dare 
not proceed, and turning eastward crossed the divide striking the Grass- 
hopper. They were in that chronic state of miners, out of provisions, 
and knowing they could not live on gold, were just starting for Salt Lake 


when a Mr. Woodmansee rolled into the valley with several wagon loadt 
of provisions, including- a full supply of "Valley Tan," or Mormon whis- 
key, which, a writer says, "caused the camp to become hilarious with joy." 
The discovery of rich mines in the northern country wa< of immense 
benefit to the Mormons. They found a much needed market for their 
surplus produce and provisions of which they had great abundance, and 
of which the destitute miners stood in much need. Four hundred miles 
through an entirely unsettled country was a long haul, but the prices they 
realized made the venture very profitable to them. I find accounts of 
purchases for my retail trade of eggs (frozen as hard as rocks) at $1 per 
dozen, butter at $1 per pound and flour and other articles at proportionate 
prices. In 1862 on the Salt Lake trail at the junction of two creeks, nailed 
to a tree, was a board bearing the following lucid directions : — 

Tu grass Hop Per diggins 
30 myle 

keap the Trale nex the blufe 
Tu jonni grants 

one Hunderd & twenti myle 
Just as Watkins, myself and three others had begun mining opera- 
tions I was taken suddenly ill, the first sick day I had experienced since 
I left St. Louis, but happily it was not of long continuance. We hired a 
team and hauled dirt from Buffalo gulch, about a mile and a half distant. 
on the mountain, and washed it out in my rocker. From ten buckets full 
we cleaned up $2 and felt encouraged. On Sunday we suspended our 
work, but all around the camp were men trading, drawing dirt in wagons. 
packing it in bags on mules or donkeys and even on their own backs. 
while some worked, their rockers by the stream. The shoemaker across 
the way has a side of sole leather drawn before the opening of his tent 
and is showing his respect for the day. A miners' meeting has been held 
to elect officers for the district. On Monday we put in a hard day'- work. 
When we all gathered around the cleaning up pan and weighed the fine 
gold we found we had $9 for our work. The results the two following 
days were no better. We did some serious thinking. We could not ex- 
pect to secure enough to carry us through the fast approaching long win- 
ter, and taking counsel of Bill Hamilton, an old mountain man. (who said 
that very likely the Indians would drive us out before spring, if we suc- 
ceeded in getting in a winter's supply of provisions,) I finally decided 


to go to San Francisco for the winter, where I could be in communication 
with the company in St. Louis. Hamilton loaned me a horse to ride to 
Deer Lodge in his company, and with Watkins we set out, I riding a pack 
saddle for want of something better. I realized quite a little sum from 
the sale of my surplus provisions, at prices about five times those of St. 
Louis market. Our cook, a young fellow whom we had found working 
his passage on the steamer and took into our employ largely from com- 
passion, begged of me not to leave him at the mines. I was fearful that 
he might suffer and took him along, though my means were quite limited. 
TEe Indians along the route were reported robbing all small parties, but 
we had full faith that Hamilton, with his well known skill would take 
us through, all right. On this occasion Hamilton much desired to take 
with him a big bull dog which he had purchased of some "tenderfoot." 
He said that he thought the ugly looking beast would "do up" the dog 
of a neighbor of his at Deer Lodge. This would amply repay for all hi^ 
trouble and cost. We took a lively gait and the dog came on very well 
until tired out. After a little rest Hamilton attached a long lariat to the 
dog's collar, and all went well until the poor dog got his feet full of the 
long spines of the prickly pear. 

The dog's condition compelled a half hour's stop for the removal ot 
the thorns in his feet, and the escape of naughty words on the master's 
part, when we again took the trail. Soon, we saw Hamilton and the dog 
far ahead, the poor beast rolling and tumbling along the trail, dragged by 
the lariat, the master in worse temper than the dog, and as we came up 
he drew his pistol and threatened to shoot the beast. I put in a plea for 
the forlorn looking brute and by Hamilton's leave boosted him up upon 
the pommel of my saddle, or rather where the pommel should have been. In 
this way we got on ten or fifteen miles, and thus rested, the old fellow 
would run for a few miles, but either Hamilton or I carried him a large 
share of the 120 miles, which for fear of Indians we accomplished inside 
of 48 hours, but on our arrival at the Cottonwood ranch, we were in about 
as collapsed a condition as was the dog. 

While in camp William T. Hamilton told me of himself. He was of 
Scotch and English blood, born near the Cheviot Hills in 1822. He joined 
at St. Louis in an expedition for trade with the Cheyennes when about 
twenty years of age. He found the tribe encamped near where the city 


of Denver now stands. Learning that all the Indians from Mexico to 
the far north understood a sign language, he applied himself to mastering 
its mysteries, and so well succeeded, that when he became attached to 
the army, he was acknowledged to be the most skillful in this particular 
of any scout in the service. Employed tinder Col. Wright in the Spokane 
and Palouse war in 1858, he was present when the eleven chiefs were 
hung by him on the Spokane plain. At that time Col. Wright detained 
nine other chiefs as hostages for the good conduct of their tribesmen. 

At a council of war it was decided that some knowledge of the con- 
dition and feelings of the tribes about the headwaters of the Missouri 
was most desirable, and Hamilton was asked if he would visit that region, 
make examination, and report. He told his commander that if he would 
detain the nine chiefs until his return, that he would gladly undertake 
the scout. To this Col. Wright agreed, and gave the proper officers orders 
to supply all Hamilton's demands. Taking with him one Alex McKay. 
whom he knew he could rely upon in any emergency, they set out upon 
their perilous expedition. They took with them five pack horses loaded 
with Indian goods, for trade and presents, and selected two of the best 
riding horses and the best equipments the camp offered. Hamilton took 
the precaution to obtain from Col. Wright a circular letter addressed to 
all Indian agents, directing them to supply him with any articles or aid 
which he might desire. 

These instructions he placed in a large packet, sealed with the largest 
golden wafer that he could find at head-quarters, which he was certain 
would be looked upon as "big medicine" by all the surly Indian^ 

For the first two hundred miles his route lay through the country of 
those Indians whom Col. Wright had so recently thrashed, and had it not 
been for their knowledge that their chiefs were detained by him as hos- 
tages, the journey of the two scouts would have quickly ended. When 
detained by bands of warriors, Hamilton with great dignity and solemnity 
would produce his mysterious package, and proceed to read orders from 
Col. Wright such as he thought would best be suited to his surroundings. 
The name of Col. Wright commanded great respect among the rebel 
tribes at this time, and Hamilton generally soothed the wounded passions 
of the chiefs by suitable presents. His route was up the Clark Fork 01 
the Columbia, and he reached the Flatheads, who were always friendly 


to the whites, without serious trouble. They warned him to beware 01 
war parties of Blackfeet, who could not be trusted in the least when in an 
enemy's country. In fact, a war party of young bucks when in an enemy's 
country will often attack white men, when they would not dare to do so 
in their own country. At that time the Blackfeet. Piegans and Bloods 
were in league, as one people, yet with a tribal distinction, and the Flat- 
heads were at peace with the two first named tribes, but at war with 
the Bloods. 

Two Flatheads chiefs announced their determination to go with Ham- 
ilton to the Piegan Agency, at the government farm on Sun river. Col. 
Vaughan, the agent, welcomed them and gave Hamilton all the informa- 
tion he was able to, regarding the Missouri river tribes, and advised him 
to visit the camp of Little Dog, head chief of the Piegans. then to the 
northward on the head waters of the Marias river. Striking the Marias. 
one afternoon Hamilton discovered three Indian hunters, who also dis- 
covered his party and fled to the northward. The two scouts and their 
Flathead guests immediately made camp, and the scouts, casting off their 
soiled clothing arrayed themselves in their finest, and awaited visitors. 
Soon twenty-five horsemen finely mounted and elegantly made up, ac- 
cording to Piegan fashions, came riding towards them at full gallop. 
When a quarter of a mile away, they fired their guns into the air, which 
is a universal sign of peace, and when thirty paces away they all "halted 
at a jump" as the trappers say. Little Dog and Hamilton advanced and 
shaking hands, greeted each other with usual "How! How!" 

Little Dog arrayed in his war bonnet and all his war equipments. 
impressed Hamilton as being one of the finest appearing warriors he had 
ever seen, and when he presented to him his son Fringe, a fine young 
fellow of nineteen, Hamilton was so impressed that he gave to each a 
fine blanket. Distributing tobacco and other presents to be divided among 
the others of the party, he held a long conversation by means of signs 
with Little Dog, and producing the big packet with its golden seal he 
interpreted from it the request of Col. Vaughan, that being his friend he 
should also be the friend of Hamilton. 

After a "square meal" the big chief and most of his followers de- 
parted, leaving Fringe and two other Indians to keep guard and brincr 
the party to his camp in the morning. There was a feast in Little Dog's 


camp that night, largely consisting of dainties presented by Hamilton 
The proud Fringe and his guests were received with much ceremony in 
the morning, when he conducted them to his father's camp. The "Har- 
anguer" was sent out to give the news brought by the scout, the people 
being eager to learn the result of the Spokane war. The announcement 
that eleven chiefs had been hung to wagon poles, was received with a 
loud grunt. Hamilton was given the name of 'The Sign-talking White 
Man." Valuable presents were exchanged and then Hamilton exposed 
his goods and trinkets for exchange for robes and furs. His transporta- 
tion outfit being quite limited he refused to trade for anything but the 
very choicest furs, selected from those offered him, for which he paid 
good prices. He felt it to be his duty to visit the northern Blackfeet, 
before his return to Walla Walla, but knew that he was taking large risks 
in so doing. Little Dog warned Hamilton that the Blackfeet could not 
be trusted, and said that while he might get out of their country alive, 
he did not think that they w r ould ever permit his outfit of goods to be 
taken away. Seeing Hamilton determined to go north, Little Dog sent 
Fringe and three other Piegans to accompany him, professedly as guides, 
but Hamilton felt that they were to protect him if necessary. In due 
time the little cavalcade reached the joint village of "Calf-shirt and 
"Father of all Children," and were received by those noted chiefs by ugly 
grunts, and hostile signs (well understood by Hamilton) to their re- 

After a little time Hamilton brought forth his mysterious packet and 
although he eloquently interpreted the message of Col. Wright to his 
friends, the Blackfeet, he could not wholly gain the confidence oi these 
wiley chiefs. He talked with them by signs, told them of the Palouse 
war and its ending, made some presents, opened his goods for trade, 
and got in some fine skins and robes, but the surroundings were all hos- 
tile. He told the chiefs that he should leave in the morning, and they 
were anxious to know the route he intended to take, but he claimed that 
he had not decided. 

Fringe, while all were seated in the wigwam of Calf-shirt thought nc 
saw a hostile movement and throwing off his blanket drew his revolver 
and launched out into an impassioned speech, and before he had finished 
the Blackfoot leaders bowed their heads in shame. Fringe and his men 


promised Hamilton that they would go with him to the summit of the 
mountains, and the party got out of the hostile camp wihout an out-break. 
but it was evident that only fear of punishment by Little Dog and Fringe 
saved Hamilton from serious trouble. 

Hamilton gave Fringe and his faithful friends each a revolver and am- 
munition when he parted from them at the divide, and not stopping 
to eat pushed on down the Big Blackfoot in order to put as much space 
as was possible between themselves and the ugly Blackfeet. before night 
overtook them. Flardly three hours of hard riding had passed when they 
were fired upon by three Blackfeet lying in ambush, but without effect, 
and the smoke had hardly risen above the bushes when Hamilton and 
McKay were upon their enemies with revolver and knife, and McKay 
seemed happy as he tucked three Blackfeet scalps under his belt. Before 
dark they ran upon a camp of friendly Kootnai, who were at war with 
the Blackfeet, and upon seeing the bloody scalps of their enemies, whom 
they knew had been spying about their camp, the village was turned into 
a pandemonium of joy and the scouts were warmly welcomed. 

Early the next morning the Kootnai village was attacked by a large 
party of Blackfeet who had followed the trail of Hamilton, and he and 
McKay were then able to repay with interest, for the insults which 
they had received in the Blackfoot camp and upon their march. Although 
McKay and twenty Kootnai were wounded and four killed, they gath- 
ered thirty-five scalps from their dead enemies left on the battle field. 
The Kootnai moved westward to the Tobacco Plains, where they were 
again attacked by a large number of Blackfeet who were partially con- 
cealed in a "draw" and some woods, where the young Kootnai warriors 
attacked them in return, but could not induce them to come out and 
fight in the open. 

Hamilton directed the squaws to soak a number of blankets for use in 
protecting the camp from fire, and told them to set the leaves and grass 
in the draw on fire, which strategy was a success, for as the Blackfeet 
fled from the flames the Kootnai with Hamilton and the wounded Mc- 
Kay rode down upon the disorderly mass, doing great execution. Ex- 
changing presents with the delighted Kootnai, and securing a valuable 
addition to their stock of furs by barter, the scouts again took up their 
march toward the hostile Spokane and Palouse camps. By making a 


long detour known to McKay, they escaped collision with any hostile 
Indians until they had almost reached the Nez Pierces, who were friendly 
Indians. Here they met three Spokane warriors who seemed undecided 
whether to stampede their train, or not. Hamilton showed them his 
packet, and told them he was Col. Wright's scout, and that if they did not 
go about their business that he would arrest them, when they made off, 
and left him to proceed on his journey. Soon after they found the camp 
of Lawyer, a Nez Pierce chief, who assisted them in crossing the Snake 
river, and without further adventure they reached Col. Wright's head- 
quarters at Walla Walla, much to the relief of the officers of the post. 
They returned with two hundred selected robes, many elegant small furs, 
buffalo tongues, and Indian curio's of great value. Col. Wright urged 
Hamilton to remain in the service, but he had his heart set upon the 
Bitter Root country, and immediately made arrangements 10 return to it. 
Securing* two years' supply of Indian goods, he soon retraced his steps. 
entering the Bitter Root valley by the St. Regis trail. After the organi- 
zation of Montana, he served with credit as sheriff of Choteau county, and 
for a season as deputy United States marshal. This short sketch does 
scant justice to the life and services of "Wild Cat Bill." 

The wild ride from the mines to Deer Lodge was too much for our 
charge. Little Stewart; and we left him at Johnny Crant's while the rest 
of us went to our old camp, where we found Messrs. Clow, Jones, Rev. 
Francis, and Mr. Mead of our party just starting for Walla Walla. They 
consented to wait two days at Gold Creek for me to join them. The 
next day I went to Johnny Grant's for Stewart, and found him pretty 
sick, but fearing to be left, he mustered up courage to return with me to 
our home camp. He seemed to be suffering from some internal inflam- 
mation, and heating a camp kettle of water I secured a barrel, and putting 
into it a package of mustard I gave him a hot bath, and coming out as 
red as an Indian, I put him to bed and he was soon asleep, sweating pro- 
fusely. In the morning he was so much improved that he thought he 
could ride the twenty miles to Gold Creek, and we abandoned our cabin 
and started out for the Pacific coast.. 

At the summit of the first hill on our route, I discovered a herd of 
antelope, and stalking them succeeded in killing a large buck. While busy 
trying to fasten the undressed carcass to my riding saddle, a half dozen 


Indians appeared and assisted me, and were made happy by receiving a 
tew fish hooks. I saved my venison, but to do so, had to lead my horse 
and trudge on foot a dozen miles. 

On the 20th of September, 1862, we were fairly started on our Ion- 
journey. The party consisted of Messrs Clow, Jones, Watkins, Mead, 
Stewart and I, on horseback, and Mr. Francis, Dr. Riley and Stevenson 
in the wagons. Two yokes of oxen drew the large wagon, and four 
horses the light one. At the tail end of the latter a good cow was tethered. 
Stewart is glad to exchange places with Mr. Francis, and he and 1 ride 
ahead to secure game and select camping places. Once, riding down the 
Hell Gate, we saw some distance ahead, an Indian fishing. The noise 
of the river prevented his hearing our approach, and we were right upon 
him before he saw us. Completely surprised he dropped his fish pole 
and ran like a deer into the woods. Travelling through a pine forest, we 
found no feed for the stock, and when turned loose at night they often 
wandered long distances and we were often delayed in searching for them. 
We came at length to Mullan's long bridge over the Big Blackfoot, which 
was a picturesque piece of architecture. Built of large pine logs, its floor- 
ing was of split saplings, but it well answered the purpose for which it 
was built. Near here we met a large party of Flatheads on their way to 
the Missouri to hunt buffalo. The whole tribe seem to be on the journey 
of a thousand miles, taking horses, dogs, women, children, and all camp- 
ing outfits, to secure a supply of jerked buffalo meat and skins for robes 
and wigwams. No buffalo are found west of the Rocky Mountains, and 
these western tribes run great risk of attack by hostile Indians in the 
buffalo country. Watkins traded ponies with the Indians. 

We reached the Bitter Root valley settlements September 24th, and 
purchasing potatoes at three dollars per bushel, onions at seven, turnips at 
two and a half, and parsnips at four, we feasted on vegetables, the first 
we have had since we left the Emilie. Camped at a French settlement 
and have adopted a Pen d-Orielle Indian as a herdsman. Had shoes put 
upon my horse, as he was foot-sore. While waiting, the Indian stole my 
overcoat and ran away with unknown articles in the pockets. Made camp 
on the Shak-o-tay, having come but twelve miles. The Mullan road fol- 
lowed along the banks of the Bitter Root river, sometimes running up 
some little canyon, or over some rocky point which could not well be 


otherwise passed. The scenery was most beautiful and the waters so 
clear that from high bluffs fish could be seen swimming- in the stream. 
and Mr. Francis and I were able to keep the camp well supplied with 
beautiful trout. Every mile is blazed upon a post or tree with the letters 
"M R" and the number of miles distant from Fort Benton; the work 
of Governor Stevens' surveyors, for the Pacific rail-road. At time^ the 
road was very rough, and led over the tops of high mountains, and we 
often were obliged to camp in the thick forest. Having no forage we were 
obliged to turn our stock loose so that they might find feed, and in search 
of it they would stray, causing much vexatious delay. One dav I rode 
on alone in order to obtain a supply of fish for dinner. The river ran 
in a deep canyon, but finding a ravine making down to it, I tied my horse 
and leaving my rifle near by, clambered down and working up the stream 
found a good place, and while intent on fishing, was startled by a war 
wVionr>. Two Indians were running up the other side of the river with 
guns in their hands. I concluded them to be Snakes, and abondoned my 
nice string of trout and scrambled up the side of the bluff displacing stones 
and brush and wounding my hands on thorns and briers, reached the top 
and regained my rifle. Then each party called across the river and abused 
the other, to their hearts' content, neither understanding a word that was 
said. Finding a suitable camping place T built a fire and waited for the 
train. Getting very hungry I ventured to catch some more fish, and 
broiling them, satisfied my hunger on fish alone. At dark no train having 
appeared, I curled myself up in my blanket in the roots of a big pine tree 
and slept, the train coming up late in the evening, having had a break- 
down. They were much relieved to find me in such good quarters. They 
had picked up a Flathead on the way and he camped with us. Saturday 
night we were compelled to camp in a deep forest, and the next morning 
Mr. Francis and I struck out to find a camping place where feed could 
be found for the stock. After a "Sabbath day's journey," as Mr. Francis 
remarked, we struck Brown's prairie, finding every requisite for a perfect 
camping place. Building a fire. Mr. Francis and I caught a fine mess of 
splendid trout, this being the only time I ever went fishing on Sunday. 
with a Baptist minister. Three parties passed us as we lay in camp, 
bound for the new mines. Near night, Major John Owen, 11 proprietor of 
Fort Owen in the Bitter Root valley, made his camp with us, and when 


we became acquainted he found that he had letters for Mr. Mead and 
myself. Mine was from my brother in St. Louis, and gave me the first 
information from home since I left in May. 

While lying in camp Major Owen told me of a trip he made to his 
fort from the Dalles, in 1858, just after the Indians had heard of the 
defeat of Col. Steptoe, and the death of Captain Taylor and Lieut. Gaston. 
and the retreat of the army to Walla Walla. He was at that time gov- 
ernment agent of the Flatheads, Pend-Orielles, and Kootnai Indians, and 
had with 'him twenty -five pack animals carrying valuable supplies. One 
evening seven or eight canoe loads of Yakima Indians made their ap- 
pearance near their camp, all painted and rigged up for war, and evidently 
anxious to be insulted. The interpreter advised making a bluff, and so 
they built an immense camp fire, and all hands, himself included, caught 
hold of a dried hide and danced around the fire, beating the hide with bil- 
lets of wood until they were nearly exhausted. Thus they showed their 
visitors that they were not afraid of them and were ready to fight at any 
minute. Much to their relief their visitors left, going down the river 
in their canoes before break of day. At another camp, when they started 
out in the morning, they were escorted by twenty-five or thirty warriors 
riding either side, keeping up a constant war-whoop, but finally leaving 
them without making an attack. He had with him Tom Harris and Henry 
M. Chase and their families, as well as his own. and also Charley Frush 
A war party of Spokanes overtook them and they had a long "waw-waw" 
about Major Owen, debating whether to keep him. or kill him. as they 
said he "had big eyes and big hands, and that he wrote bad things about 
them to the 'Great Father' at Washington," but they kindly concluded 
to let him proceed on his way. 

After a camp in the deep forest and hunting up our strayed stock, we 
came to the Bitter Root river where some "firster" had established a ram- 
shackle ferry. We paid him eighteen dollars for our ride over, and the 
privilege of working our own passage. Here we caught a quantity of 
fine salmon trout very large and toothsome. Thev resemble in form the 
brook trout of New England, but are built upon a larger scale. Two 
miles beyond the ferry, we went into camp and loaded our wagons with 
grass, as we now leave the Bitter Root valley and cross the high range 


of mountains of that name. There was no feed for our stock for the next 
seventy miles. In a drenching rain we set out to follow up the St. Regis 
Borgia river into the mountains, and were soon travelling in woods so 
dense that the road seemed walled in by immense trees. In this wilder- 
ness I killed many beautiful mountain pheasants, which were very gamey 
and much enjoyed by our party. Many of Captain Mullen's bridges had 
been washed away by the tumultuous stream, and progress up the moun- 
tain was slow and sloppy. We stopped at the forty-sixth crossing, and 
camped in a drizzle of rain and snow, listening nearly all night to the 
howling of a pack of timber wolves who lacked courage to come into 
camp. Watkins' horse was missing in the morning, and he and I, after 
two hours' search, found the beast snubbed by his trailing lariat. An 
Indian whom we met said the snow was deep upon the summit, which, 
after crossing the river twenty-seven times in our day's march, we failed 
to reach, and were compelled to pitch our tents in the road. Six inches 
of snow fell in the night, and some faint hearted ones wished to turn 
back. A rousing fire and a good brook trout breakfast, however, cheered 
them up, and we kept on our way, crossing the smatl stream nineteen 
additional times during the day. I rode ahead in order to hunt, but 
toward night, being cold, wet and stiff, in dismounting from my horse. 
the saddle turned, and my frightened horse ran down the mountain buck- 
ing and kicking, and nearly ruining my saddle. The men secured my 
horse while I tramped on and reaching the tall pole marked in feet, placed 
there by Captain Mullan, found but eight inches of snow. Waiting for the 
train I shot some birds and warmed myself at a huge fire, and measured 
some magnificent pines and cedars, over forty-five feet in circumference. 
The western slope of the road is a dugway cut through these splendid 
trees for two miles of sharp descent. Quickly descending this grade we 
soon made camp in a little round valley, containing every thing needful 
for an exhausted party. We are now at the head of the Coeur d'Alene river. 
Rain — rain — rain — all day and all night. In the morning Watkins' horse 
was missing and we discovered the reason that the Indians had for trad- 
ing off that animal. 

Traveling through a magnificent forest we crossed the stream twenty- 
seven times in fourteen miles. At one point the road ran across the 
top of a stump which was so broad that all four of the wheels of the ox 
wagon stood upon it at the same time. We have hardly seen the sun for 


weeks and the stock have had little feed and arc nearly starved, drowned, 
and frozen out. We have crossed the Coeur d'Alene river fifty-three times 
in traveling thirty-two miles. Arriving at a little prairie which contained 
good feed for the stock, we made camp and the blessed sun broke forth 
in all its glory. Mr. Francis and I soon caught a plentiful supply of 
trout and we are a happy crew. The approach to the Coeur d'Alene Mis- 
sion, furnishes a most delightful landscape. The little church stands 
upon a .slight elevation, and to us, who have not seen anything larger 
than a log cabin for months, the priests houses seem palatial. Near by, 
built of anything which could be used for shelter, are fifteen or twenty 
huts occupied by the mission Indians. The Indians are outwardly de- 
voted, but we were warned by a good father to take good care of our be- 
longings, as they were obliged to keep everything under lock and key, even 
the vegetables in the garden. A few of the Indians cultivate small plots 
of land, but this and an outward show of sanctity is apparently about all 
that the twenty-five years' service of the devoted priests has been able to 
accomplish in the civilization of these mild mannered natives. These 
earnest Christian men, who sacrifice themselves in their efforts to pro- 
mote the welfare of these people, deserve a crown of glory, whatver may 
be their present success. We bartered all our surplus clothing with the 
Indians and purchased from the fathers a fine lot of vegetables and a 
young heifer for our commissary department. The next day was the most 
trying of our trip. It rained incessantly and we were obliged to cross 
the Coeur d'Alene mountains through thick timber with no feed for the 
stock. But the camp in Wolf's Lodge prairie turned our despondency into 
joy, at finding plenty of grass, wood and water. Game was scarce and 
we found it necessary to kill our heifer for food. One of our camps was 
beautiful beyond description. The mountains seem to flatten out, and in 
the midst there lies the picturesque Pend-Orielle lake, perhaps twenty- 
five miles in length and of varying width, the water being intensely 
blue and reflecting the woods and mountains by which it is surrounded. 
Into this lake fllows the Coeur d'Alene river, and its outlet is the Spo- 
kane, down which we make our way. A party of Spokane Indians camp 
near us, out on a bear hunt. I found that I coidd communicate with them 
by signs and what little Chinook I knew, and was much interested in 
their description of a successful horse stealing raid upon the Snake- 


They had with them the skin of a wolf stuffed with straw, in the belly of 
which a hole was cut to fit the head of the owner. An Indian put this 
upon his head and acting with the utmost caution crept to the summit 
of a little hill close by, and pretended as he peered over that he saw one 
Snake Indian guarding twenty horses on the plain below. By his signs it 
was easy to imagine that the party after travelling on foot several hundred 
miles had reached the outskirts of a large camp of their enemies, and 
were lyingjow in order to stampede a band of horses, and escape without 
loss to themselves. The wolf's head upon the hill, would to the horse 
guard be nothing unusual, and would create no suspicion of the prox- 
imity of an enemy. The war party go on foot, because the failure of 
their plans impose upon them a return on foot, which whets their bold- 
ness and daring. In this instance the skilled actor describes the discovery 
of the lone horse guard, and satisfactory band of horses, and marks out 
the way of covered approach within striking distance of the guard. Then 
on hands and knees the whole party creep towards the ravine leading to 
the plain on which the horses are grazing. Pointing to the sun they indi- 
cate that they are several hours in waylaying the guard, before they let go 
a half dozen arrows into his body. An Indian mounts the dead guard's 
horse and with a lariat captures one of the best in the herd, which is 
mounted in turn by a comrade, and others are caught until all are mounted 
and the whole band having stampeded the grazing herd started at full 
gallop for the Spokane country. They ride all night, and with much hu- 
mor the relator tells of getting asleep and nodding as he rides, and when 
waking, shouting "Snake! Snake!" when all pushed on at a gallop until 
obliged to stop from exhaustion. Our entertainer pictured in strong 
colors their safe arrival at their home village, the people shouting at the 
waving of the Snake scalp, and the exhibition of the captured horses. 
The whole scene, lighted up by the great fire in the forest was weird and 
picturesque. An Indian is trying to trade me two horses for my gun, 
using signs and Chinook jargon, of which they know a little, and I not 
quite so much. The horses are "Nah-took-tchin-klas-klas" and my gun 
is "So-lo-la-me." 

Following down the north bank of the Spokane we found a place which 
seemed fordable by the train. I rode in, to examine, but soon my i.orse 
was swimming. Having started in, I was bound to cross, which feat 


I accomplished, but my experience kept the others from the attempt 
to follow a fool leader. Some miles below, a bar was found where the 
wagons were crossed in safety, and we thus cheated some progressive 
ferrymen out of eighteen dollars. Soon after crossing we found the 
prairie covered with bones, which we afterward learned were the remains 
of about eight hundred horses, which Col. Wright had killed at the time 
he hung the rebellious Spokane chiefs to his wagon poles, which strenu- 
osity brought the humbled warriors to a lasting peace. We are travelling 
over a high volcanic plain, and standing by the roadside is a tree on 
which is cut "M R— 144" indicating that old Fort Walla Walla is still 
that distance from us. In what seems to be an old crater is a beautiful 
blue lake, (Medicine Lake) but the surrounding country having lately been 
burned over, there is no feed for our stock. We are travelling over a 
country covered with sharp volcanic rocks, and our poor cattle suffer ter- 
ribly both for food and good water, nearly all the streams we have found 
being strong of alkali. On the road we met a half dozen squaws with a 
pack train loaded with dried salmon from the Columbia. The lordly bucks 
compel the women to do all the packing, they coming along when they 
please. A lusty squaw sits astride a big pack and from a pocket hang- 
ing by her side peers a "little Indian" whose keen black eyes glitter like 
those of a snake. As the leading squaw came over the hill ahead of us, 
sh<e had a papoose board on her back projecting far above her head, and 
her appearance suggested to me the Queen of Sheba. What water there 
is on this volcanic plain runs in cracks deep down in the rock and is hard 
to get at. As I sit alone in utter desolation, the whole country having 
been burned over, these words of Shelley cross my mind, 
"Is this the scene 
Where the old Earthquake-demon taught her young 
Ruin? .Were these her joys?" 
Camped on the "Oraytayoose" which I take it nlust mean, "The little 
alkali creek which runs in the crack in the ground." Watkins' horse for 
the twentieth time is again missing. Mead, Stewart and W'atkins hunted 
him in vain, and came into camp at night without tidings of him, and are 
sure that he has been stolen. After a wean' time we reached the Palouse 
river and caught a fine lot of trout for supper. We passed the Palouse 
falls after dark and came to Snake river late at night. Tying the stock 


to the wagons we went supperless to our blankets and at daylight found 
that we were along side the graves of a lot of Indians who were killed 
in the Indian war, the graves being surronded by an apology for a fence, 
ind upon the rails were stretched the dried and shriveled remains of the 
dead warriors. After ferrying across the Snake river we went into camp 
a mile or more from the ferry ranch, where our stock could find feed. 
Here Mr. Mead and I determined to exchange our horses for a Hudson 
Bay Company batteau, and take our chances in navigating the Columbia 
and Snake "rivers to Portland. 




Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Lexington Alarm Regiment, April 19, 1775 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 2Sth Regiment, Army United Colonies, 

July-Decemeer, 1775. 

By Frank A. Gardner, M. D. 

In a petition addressed to the Provincial Congress at Watertown, 
signed by Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent, he made statement as follows: 

That upon the alarm of April 19, T775, while at Amherst, New Hamp- 
shire, he had raised 109 men, and marched with them 10 Concord (Massa- 
chusetts) and was there chosen by the officers of seven companies from 
Hillsboro County, New Hampshire as their commanding officer ; that on 
April 21, T/75, he was ordered by General Ward to march to Cam- 
bridge with the troops then at Concord; that on April 25, 1775 he had re- 
ceived orders from the Committee of Safety for raising a Regiment, which, 
if not taken into the service of New Hampshire was to be in the pay of 
Massachusetts until discharged, etc. 

Two of the companies whose rolls appear in the Minute Men rolls 
in the Archives were therein credited to Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
Lexington Alarm Regiment. Namely the company of Captain William 
Scott, with First Lieutenant William Scott, Jr., and Ensign William 
Cochran, and the Company of James Perry (no town given). The name 
of Major Jonathan Austin also appears on the roll of Captain William 
Scott's Company. In the Archives, Volume 146, Page 16, the following 
lisc of Companies in Colonel Sargent's Regiment is given, dated April 

*3. 1775 = 

"ist Co. Captain Josiah Crosby; 3 subalterns, 2 sergeants and 82 pri- 

2nd Co. Captain Levi Spaulding; 2 subalterns, 4 sergeants, 2 corporals 
and 45 privates. 

3d Co. Captain Benjamin Byron ; 2 subalterns. 2 sergeants and 37 


4th Co. Captain Jonathan Burton; 1 subaltern, 2 sergeants, and 33 






5th Co. Captain Benjamin Man ; 2 subalterns, 2 sergeants.. 2 coporals 
and 24 privates. 

6th Co. Captain Isaac Baldwin, 15 privates. 

Stephen Peabody, Adjutant." 

In addition to Major Austin one other staff officer of this regiment 
was credited with service from April 20, 1775, namely Quartermaster Os- 
good Carlton of Lyndeboro. (See notes under Captain Jeremiah Stiles.) 

In the petition above referred to, Colonel Sargent stated further "that 
on May 25,-1775, he had nine companies completd, three of which had 
been in camp continuous from April 21, 1775." 

"In Committee of Safety, Cambridge, June 9, 1775. 
The Hono., the Provincial Congress at Watertown 

Collo. Sargent of New Hampshire having applied to this Committee 
for direction respecting four Companies of men Inlisted under him in the 
service for this Colony we beg leave, to State the facts to your honours. 
From the exegencies of the time on the 25th April past Collo. Sergeant 
received Encouragement from this Committee to Command a regiment, 
and received beating orders for the raising the same on the following Con- 
ditions. Vizt. should he fill sd regiment and the province of N. hamp- 
shire affsd would not take him with his regiment into their service, in 
that Case he should be Established in the Service of the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts, it appears from the accts he has given the Committee that he 
has only four Companies at head Quarters and that there are some Others 
lnlisted and now at hampshire and desires he may be directed wether 
to hold or discharge sd men, this Committee apprehnds should sd four 
Companies be discharged from the Service of this Colony they would 
Imediately Enter into the Service of N. hampshire, and we apprehend the 
army of 13,600 would be Complett without sd men, are of Oppinion it 
would be prudent they be dismissed from the Service of this Colony. 
The whole of this matter we Submit to your honours. You will act thereon 
as you in your wisdom shall seem meet. We are with the greatest respect 
your most humble servants/' 

On the 17th of June, 1775 Colonel Sargent again sent a petition to 
the. Provincial Congress, the first part of which was substantially as 
follows : 

"That your petitioner finding that he could not be taken into the 
Service of New Hampshire, because he took Orders from the Committee 
of Safety of this Colony, without consulting a Body not in Being untill 17th 
of May apply to said Committee on the 7th Instant, who by a Letter of the 


9th referred your petitioner to your Honors. Your petitioner not having 
heard your determination with Regard to him humbly take this method 
to pray your Honors would take his Case into Consideration, and estab- 
lish or discharge your petitioner and men as your Honors in your ereat 
v\ lsdom shall see lit. ' 

And your petitioner as in Duty bound shall ever pray, etc. 


In 'the Battle of Bunker Hill, June 17. 1775, Colonel Sargent was one 
of the officers who refused to recognize the authority of General Putnam 
for in a letter dated Dec. 20. 1825 he wrote that Putnam -sent an officer 
to order me onto the Hill but finding I did not attend to his order he sent 
a second, whom I took no notice of, a third came open mouthed, living." 
etc. From records in the Archives we know that Colonel Sargent lost 
articles at either Lexington or Bunker Hill valued at 12 shillings. The 
following letter shows the location of at least a part of Colonel Sargent's 
command just after the Battle of Bunker Hill - 
"Sirs : 

Deliver for Captain Murray's Corny Provin for 40 men a Company 
stationed at Inman's General Ward's 6rd under my command. 

June 19, 1775. P. d. SARGENT. 

To Comis Pigeon." 

His full list of staff officers to June 20, 1775, was as follows: 
"Col. Paul D. Sargent, Amherst, April 20. 1775. 
Lt. Col. Aaron Cleveland, Canterbury, May 21, 1775. 
Maj. Jona. VV. Austin, Boston, April 20, 1775. 
Adjt. Peter Dolliver. Cape Ann, June 20, 1775. 
Qt. Mr. Osgood Carleton, Lineborough, April 20, r/y^ 
Surgeon Parker Cleaveland, Ipswich, May 22, 1775. 
- Surgeon's Mate Josiah Holt, June '5, 1775. 
Chaplain Eben R. Sweetland, June 12, 1775." 

He received answer to his petition to the Provincial Congress at Water- 
town under date of June 22, 1775 as follows: 

"The Committee appointed to Take into Consideration the Petition 
of Colonel Paul Dudley Serjant Beg Leave to State Several Facts & to 
Report Viz. That the Said Col. Serjant March'd from New Hampshire 
to Concord soon after the Battle of Lexington that he there had the Com- 
mand of Nine Companies of New Hampshire Troops for militia) from 
thence March'd to Cambridge where Six of his Companies have Disbanded 
Themselves the three Remaining Companvs with the Said Mr. Serjant 


have been Ever since in Camp Doing Duty. And that the Committee 
of Safety on the 25th of April Last by their Resolve Desired said ( >i 
Serjant to enlist Ten Companies from among the Troops of the Colony 
Ol New Hampshire to Remain in the pay of this Colony Untill Discharged 
or Taken into the Service of the Colony of New Hampshire. Further- 
more your Commite Beg Leave to Report that Said Colo. Serjant shall 
be Commissioned by this Honble Congress Provided he Cumplcate and 
nils up the Regiment within Twenty Days from this Time, & that the 
Same be well Armed and Accoutered. 
All which is Humbly Submitted 


Pr. Order." 

When the Army of the United Colonies was organized in July, 1775. 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment was numbered the 28th. The 
following list shows the names of the towns represented in this regiment. 

Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment: 

Captain George Gould, Dedham, Milton, Etc., Providence, etc. 

Captain Frederick Pope, Bridgewater, Stoughton, Braintree, Boston, 
Easton, Middleboro, Pembroke, Plymnton. 

Captain Jeremiah Stiles, Keene, Marlow, Gilsum, Walpole (N. H.), 
Surrey, etc. 

Captain James Keith, Middleboro, Attleboro. Rehoboth, Bridgewater, 

Captii" John Wood. Westminster, W. Coleraine, N Frcvidence. Wilton, 
Woburn, etc. 

Captain James Perry, Taunton, Mansfield, Attleboro. Raynham, Lon- 
donderry, etc. 

Captain John Wiley, (later Moses Hart) Manchester, Salem, Gloucester, 
Providence, etc. 

Captain William Scott, Peterboro, Londonderry. Stoddard, Windham, 

Captain John Porter, Bridgewater, Middleboro, Braintree, etc. 

Captain Tesse Saunders, Rehoboth, Providence, Taunton, etc. 

Captain Scott's and Captain Stiles's Companies from New Hampshire 
as named above were ordered to join this regiment July 7, 1775. The 
following letter of Captain Stiles shows how members of his Company 
suffered in the Battle of Bunker Hill: 

'To the Honourable the Council and the Honourable the House ni Rep- 
resentatives of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay Humbly 

Jeremiah Stiles a Captain of the 28th Regiment of foot. Commanded 
by Paul Dudley Sargent, Esqr. in behalf of the Men under his Command 


whose names are hereafter named, That the Said Men were in the Action 
of Chelsea and Bunker Mill on the 17th of June last. These transaction* 
are too well known to your Honors to need a Recital. You are sensible 
many who were then engaged had the Misfortune to lose a Quantity of 
Cloathing and firearms. In that number were the men in whose behalf 
your Petitioner applies. The articles lost are hereunton annexed. Your 
Honours are not unacquainted with the Situation of the Army in this 
Distressing Period. Many of them have Cloathing but little suited to the 
Inclemencies we may expect for the Season. These men in Particular 
Deprived of Cloathing and Firearms they brought with them must S iffer in 
a great degree. As their Cloathing and Firearms was lost while we were 
hazarding our Lives in Defence of a Cause, which we Glory in defending, 
we Pray your honours that we may be again Supplied, 
And in Duty bound shall every Pray 

The following were delivered officers in Colonel Sargent's Regiment, 
July, 7, 1775: 

Captain Wood 20 cartridge boxes 

John White 20 cartridges boxes 

Fifteen small arms were delivered by the Committee of Safety, 
July 8, 1775 "for the use of Colonel Sargent's Regiment, amounting, as 
by appraisement, to twenty-seven pounds, three shillings, for which re- 
ceipt has been taken in the minute book." 

"A Return of Collo. Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, July 24, 1775, 
6 Captains present Viz. 

Captain Scott 64 men 

Captain Stiles 72 " 

Captain Saunders 55 " 

Captain Gould 30 " 

Captain Woods 36 

Captain Heart 37 

204 men 
Captain Porter is full but not arriv'd 
Captain Monks is full but not arriv'd 
Captain Hall is full but not arriv'd 
Captain Perry has 30 men but not arriv'd 
The Lieutenants of Gould, Wood and Heart are out recruiting & we 
have heard have good Success." 

"In House of Representatives July 26, 1773 

Whereas a Return has been made by Coll. Paul Dudley Sargent of the 
Number of Men in his Regiment. 




That the Sd Colo. Sargent be directed to give Orders for his Companies 
that are inlisted but have not yet joined the Army immediately to march 
to the Camp & that if Sd Collo. Sargent shall raise a full Regiment of able 
bodied effective Men well armed and accoutred then" (remained of the 
communication not preserved in the Archives). 

A roll of the companies dated August. 1775, gives the names of the 
company officers as follows : 

"Captain George Gould Dedharm 

1st Lt. Timothy Stow Dedham 

2d Lt. Ephraim Cleveland Equivalent 

Captain Moses Hart 

Ensign Moody Austin 

Captain James Keith 

Lt. Jonathan Drown 

Ensign David Thomas 

Captain James Perry 

Lt. Thomas Nichols 

Ensign Josial Smith 

Captain Frederick Pope 
Lt. Eleazer Snow 

Ensign Zaccheus Thayer 

Captain John Porter 
Lt. Isaac Fuller 

Ensign Isaac Thayer 

Captain William Scott 
Lt William Scott 

Ensign William Cochran 

Captain Jeremiah Stiles 

Lt. Lemuel Holmes 

Ensign John Griggs 

Captain Jesse Saunders 
Lt. John Wyley 

Ensign Aaron Stratton 






















Captain John Wood Colerain 

Lt. Nathaniel Doubleday Westminster 

Lt. George Reed Woburn 

Lt. George Read Woburn" 

"Camp at Cambridge, September 4, 1775. 

Col. Sergeant has applied to me for his Commission in the Continental 
Army & I have no Objection to comply with the Request, but his not hav- 
ing received one under the Legislature of this Province. But as I do not 
mean to confine myself to Forms, if he has been considered by this Gov- 
ernment as an Officer authorized to raise a Regiment and would have 
received a Commission on the Provincial Establishment and you will 
signifiy this to me for my Government & Security, I shall make no Diffi- 
culty to grant a Commission to him on the same Terms as are prescribed 
to other Officers. 

I am, Gentlemen, most 


Your obdt & Very 

Hbble Serv. 

The Prest of Council 
Massachusetts Bay." 

"The Committee appointed to Consider Genl Washington s Letter Rel- 
ative to the Commissioning Coll. Paul Dudley Sergeant have enquired 
into that matter and find that on the 226. of June last he Received Encour- 
agement from the Late Congress of the Colony that in Case he should fill 
up his Regiment in Twenty days well armed and accoutered he should be 
commissionated ; which if he has complied with your Committee are ol 
Opinion that as he and some of his Company's have been in service from 
the beginning their commissions ought to bear date when the others did ; 
and the other officers should be Commissioned from the time they entered 
the service. 


and Order. 
In Council September 11, 1775. 

Read & accepted & ordered that the Said Paul D. Sargeant and the 
Officers in his Reg^t be recommended to his Exy. General Washington 
to be commissionated accordingly. 


Dey. Secy." 


George Could 


Lft. Colo. 

John Wood 



John Porter 



James Perry 



James Keath 



John Whyley 



"A list of Officers in the 28th Regiment of Foot in the Continental 

Paul Dudley Sargent 
Aaron Cleveland 
Jona. YVillm Austen 
Willm Scott 
Jeremiah Stiles 
Fredr. Pope 

No date is appended to this list but it was probably made out about 
September, 1775. 

The Regiment was stationed at Inman's Farm, September 30, 1775. 
A list of the officers of the company commanded by Captain John Wood 
of Colerain, October 6, 1775, was as follows: 
1st Lt. Nathaniel Doubleday, Westminster. 
2nd Lt. Joseph Abbott, Wilton (on furlough) 
2nd Lt. George Reed, Woburn (dead) 
1st Lt. Abijah Moore, Putney (discharged) 

Records in the Archives show that the regiment was still at Inman's 
Farm October 18, 1775. 

Sixteen officers of this regiment had seen service during the French 
and Indian War or in the Militia, two holding the rank of Captain and 
two that of Lieutenant. 

The strength of the Regiment during its term of service is shown in 
the following table: 

Non. Com. Rank & File Total 

54 403 488 
51 419 502 

54 432 5 11 
54 412 492 
37 225 283 

The officers of this regiment, attained rank as follows during the 
American Revolution; colonel I, lictit. colonel 2, major 7, captain 22, first 
lieutenant 8, second lieutenant 4, ensign 2, chaplain I and surgeon 2. 

born in Salem, Mass., 1745. He was the son of Colonel Epes and Cather- 
ine (Winthrop) Sargent. His father was Colonel of Militia before the 
Revolution and a Justice of the General Sessions Court for more than 
thirty years, dying in Gloucester in 1762. The son, Paul Dudley, was 

Com. Off. 


July 24 (294 


Aug. 18 



Sept. 23 



Oct. 17 



Nov. 18 



Dec. 19 




brought up in Gloucester, Mass. It is said that in 1772 he met John Han- 
cock and Samuel Adams at a club in Boston, and that the question dis- 
cussed there was the organization of the militia. Shortly after this he re- 
turned to Gloucester and joined a company organizing in that town. 
Owing to the fact that in some way he became obnoxious to the Gov- 
ernment, he removed to Amherst, N. H., where he soon raised and trained 
a large company. He was a resident in that town at the breaking out 
of the Revolution. In July, 1774, he was a deputy for the First (New 
Hampshire) Provincial Congress from Amherst, N. H. October 24, 1774, 
at a town meeting of that town, he was chosen chairman of a committee 
"to use their endeavours to Secure and Maintain Peace & good Order in 
this Town . . . and incite in the minds of the People a due Respect 
to all measures that may be recommended by the present grand Con- 
gress at Philadelphia." He represented the town again in the Second 
(New Hampshire) Provincial Congress. January 25, 1775 and April 5, 
1775 was a member of the Hillsboro County Congress. On the 7th of 
that month he was appointed chairman of a committee of the last named 
Congress "to call a meeting of the County when th:v shall see occasion 
therefor." April 21, 1775, he was a member of the Third (New Hamp- 
shire) Provincial Congress at Exeter, New Hampshire. May 4, 1775 he 
was chosen a member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives 
for Amherst and Bedford and on the 17th of that month was a member of 
the Fourth (New Hampshire) Provincial Congress at Exeter. Upon the 
Alarm of April 19, 1775, while at Amherst, N. H., he "raised 109 men. and 
marched with them to Concord (Mass.) and was there chosen by the 
officers of seven companies from Hillsboro County, New- Hampshire, as 
their commanding officer." His subsequent record during 1775 nas been 
given in full in the historical section of this article. During 1776 he 
commanded the 16th Regiment in the Continental Army. September 26, 
1778, he was chosen Colonel of the 6th Regiment of Militia in the County 
of Essex and his commission is preserved in the Massachusetts Archives, 
Vol. 223, Page 21. He held this office until June 5, 1779 when he re- 
signed "on account of personal affairs, obliging him to leave the State for 
a time." The Revolutionary War almost ruined him financially. He 
had a large interest in vessels which were lost by capture or shipwreck. 
He was an intimate friend of Lafayette and was invited to meet him in 
1824, but was prevented on account of his advanced age at that time. 
After the war he engaged in commercial pursuits but was unsuccessful 
and finally retired to a farm in Sullivan, Me. He was Chief Justice of the 
Court of Common Pleas of Hancock County, Maine, for many years. 
He was a Judge of the Probate and Representative to the General Court. 
He also served as postmaster and an overseer of Bowdoin College. He 
died September 28, 1827, aged 88 years. 



ecticut, was the son of Josiah and Abigail (Pain) Cleaveland. The lather, 
Josiah was one of the original settlers of the above named town. Rev 
John, brother of Aaron, in the journal which he kept during the French 
war, mentions calling upon Aaron at Fort William Henry, July 21, 1758. 
In March, 1758, he was First Lieutenant in Major Israel Putnam's Com- 
pany, in the 3d Connecticut Regiment. In Oct. 1762, he was Ensign in the 
16th Company, 12th Regiment of Connecticut and in May. 1764, was Cap- 
tain of the same company. In May, 1770, he became Captain of the 9th 
Company, nth Regiment. He represented Canterbury in the Connecticut 
General Assembly in October, 1768 and also in 1769 and 1771. He marched 
with his company on the Lexington Alarm of April 19, 1775, serving 
twenty days. May 21st he became Lieut. Colonel of Colonel Paul Dud- 
ley Sargent's Regiment in the Provincial Army, and he held that rank 
under the same commander through the year. In the "Cleveland Geneal- 
ogy" it is stated that he "was present at the time of Governor William 
Tryon's assault upon Horsesneck and saw General Israel Putnam plunge 
down the steep bluff, the bullets of the baffled dragoons whizzing aro-.nd 
him/' He died in Canterbury,. Connecticut, April 4, 1785, aged 57 years. 

MAJOR JONATHAN AUSTIN of Boston, was engaged April 20. 
l 775> to serve in that rank in Colonel Sargent's Regiment. He served at 
least until July, 1775, and probably through the year. January 1, 1776, 
he became Major of the 16th Regiment in the Continental Army, under 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent, and served until November 13, 1776. when 
he was dishonorably discharged. He died in 1778. 

MAJOR JOSEPH KELLY. The name of this officer appears in a 
list of field officers of various regiments in which he is credited as holding 
this rank in Colonel Sargent's Regiment. No year is given but it is 
probably 1775, and .the regiment is given "as of the Province of New 
Hampshire." He may have been the man of this name who served as 
Sergeant in Captain Daniel Johnson's Third Haverhill Company in Lieu- 
tenant Colonel John Osgood's Regiment in March, 1757. No further 
record of his service in the Revolution has been found. 

ADJUTANT PETER DOLLIVER of Cape Ann (also given Boston) 
entered the service as Adjutant of this regiment, June 20. 1775. and served 
through the year. During 1776 he was Adjutant in Colonel Paul Dudley 
Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. February 1, 1777. he >vas 
commissioned Captain in Colonel Henry Jackson's Additional Continental 
Regiment and served until his resignation, March 1, 1779. He received 
an honorable discharge from General Gates He was an inspector in the 


Boston Custom House for many years, and until he died, June 23, 1816, 
aged sixty-three years. He was a member of the Massachusetts Society 
of the Cincinnati. 

ADJUTANT STEPHEN PEABODY of Amherst, N. H., was the son 
of William and Rebecca (Smith) Peabody. He was born in Souhegan 
West (Milford, N. H.) September 3, 1742. A return, showing the num- 
ber of men belonging to the several companies of Colonel Sargent's K 
ment was made by him as Adjutant and the document was dated Cam- 
bridge, April 24, 1775. His service in this regiment must have been 1 t 
very brief duration, for Heitman in his "Historical Register of the Offi- 
cers of the Continental Army" credits him with service as Adjutant in 
Colonel James Reed's Third New Hampshire Regiment, from April 23. 
1775, through the year. The Revolutionary Rolls of New Hampshire 
credit him with the same service. In June. 1776, he was appointed Major 
in Colonel Isaac Wyman's New Hampshire Regiment, organized to :e- 
inforce the Continental Army, and he served through the year. He was 
recommended by officers in Colonel Wyman's Regiment as Field Officer 
in the Third Battalion of New Hampshire, November 20. 1776. On the 
Ticonderoga alarm of June, 1777, he marched from Amherst, New Hamp- 
shire as Captain of a Company in Colonel Ni :hols"s Militia Regiment. 
From July 18th to September 24, 1777 he was a Major on the Staff of Gen- 
eral John Stark. January 1, 1778, he was Lieutenant Colonel, command- 
ing a regiment from New Hampshire, in the Rhode Island sen-ice. His 
regiment was discharged December 30, 1778. Heitman states that he 
died in 1779, but the records of New Hampshire show that Colonel Stephen 
Peabody was selectman in Amherst, New Hampshire in 1779 and Muster 
Master of the State of New Hampshire in 1 780-1. 

given Newburv) was. engaged to serve in that r_mk in Colonel Paul Dud- 
ley Sargent's. Regiment April 20, 1775. He acted as Regimental Quarter- 
master daring the year, Inkling rank as Sergeant in the companv ot 
Cnptain Johr. Wood, also of this Regiment. During 1776 he was Quarter- 
master in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental 
Arm'. January 1, 1777, he became First Lieutena?it in Captain Joshua 
- Brown's" Company, Colonel Timothy Bigelow's 15th Regiment. Massa 
chusetts Line. December I, 1778, he was transferred to the Corps of 
Invalids, holding the rank of First Lieutenant in that organization. Sep- 
tember 7, 1782 he became Regimental Quartermaster and served to June, 
1783. He died in June, 1816. 


SURGEON PARKER CLEAVELAND of Ipswich, entered this regi- 
ment in that capacity, May 22, 1775. He was the son of the Reverend 
John and Mary (Dodge) Cleaveland. and was born in Ipswich. October 
12, 175 1. He served through the year and was paid eight pounds, SIX 
shillings lor service as Surgeon in this regiment to August 1, 1775. 

SURGEON'S MATE JOS1AH HOLT, the son of Paul and Mehi- 
table (Chandler) Holt, was born in Hampton, New Hampshire, May 28, 
1754. He entered service of this regiment June 5, 1775. and hi- name 
appears on the list of Surgeons and Surgeon's Mates examined and ap- 
proved by a committee for that purpose, dated July 7, 1775. In the "Holt 
Family" it is stated that "he was a Surgeon in the Revolutionary War; 
during which time a British vessel laden with drugs was cast away near 
New York, and the cargo confiscated. He purchased the cargo, and 
medicine being very scarce and high, the speculation made him rich. 

gaged as Chaplain in this Regiment, June 12, 1775, and served at least to 
August 1st, and probably through the year. 

CAPTAIN ISAAC BALDWIN of Hillsboro, X. EL, commanded a 
company containing fifteen privates in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
Regiment which responded to the Lexington alarm. April 19, 1775. He 
entered Colonel John Stark's Regiment as Captain, April 23. 1775, accord- 
ing to the New Hampshire Rolls, and in command of twelve men took 
an active part in the engagement of Noddle's Island, May 2j, 1775. He 
was killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill, June 17, 1/75- 

CAPTAIN BENJAMIN BYRON commanded a company in Colonel 
Paul Dudley Sargent's Lexington Alarm Regiment, according to a 1 
found in the Massachusetts Archives and quoted in the early part 01 the 
historical section of this article. No further record of his service has been 


CAPTAIN JONATHAN BURTON of Wilton. N. H., was born in 
Middleton, Mass., September 18, 1741, according to the New Hampshire 
Revolutionary Rolls, Volume I, Page 67, although the record of his birth 
does not appear in the Middleton Vital Records. April 2, 1759 at the age 
of eighteen he enlisted in Colonel Ichabod Ptaisted's Regiment. In this 
record the statement was made that he was the son of John Burton and 
that he resided in Danvers. He may have been the man of the same name 
who was a private later in 1759 m Captain Andrew (bidding's Company, 
ColoneL Jonathan Bagley's Regiment, who served from January 1, 1760, 

To be Continued. 

(&ritm^m $c (Jomtnntt 

on ^onfi^ artb £Uliec jpuhjech? 

A guide to Newport, R. I., on sale at the news stands, contains the 
following rather surprising reference to Massachusetts : 

The colonists of Rhode Island and Providence Plantation consistently 
maintained the principles of freedom, for the establishment and enjoy- 
ment of which they had set up their new government. The charter which 
they obtained from the Crown was the freest colonial charter that had ever 
been given in its guarantee of civil and religious liberty ; and the first 
act of the General Assembly under it, in 1647, embodied the declaration 
that all men might walk as their consciences persuaded them. Just what 
such a declaration then meant is difficult for us in this liberal day to re- 
alize; but how courageously and consistently the men of Newport main- 
tained a catholicity and tolerance which were far in advance of the spirit 
of the time, colonial and personal chronicles amply attest. The new sect 
of the Baptists found a welcome in Rhode Island, and Reverend John 
Clark in 1644 organized the Baptist Church of Newport. But shortly 
thereafter, when Clark, Obadiah Holmes and another ventured to visit a 
sick brother in the church at Lynn, the Massachusetts authorities promptly 
jailed and fined them for their heterodox doctrines and Obadiah, stoutly 
refusing, for conscience sake, either to pay his fine or to recant his denial 
of infant baptism, was given thirty lashes on the bare back and -out 
home to Newport to relate an experience which we may be sure strength- 
ened the resolution of those here to make more secure the freedom of 
the individual. 

A few years later, when Quakerism appeared in New England, and 
Boston endeavored to stamp it out by persecution, Endicott sending the 
Quakers to the whipping post, boring their tongues with hot irons, cutting 
off their ears, hanging them, and selling their children into slavery. 
Rhode Island, on the contrary, gave them a sure refuge and welcomed 
them to full liberty of profession and practice. 

95- n 




Published bythe Salem Press Co. Salem, Mass. U.S.A. 

JULY, 1913 

^ubli|i)?ij ^uartErlg, 

3TI|c Jttasitacljiuuitit ifuuiaunc. 

A Quarterly cMagazine Devoted to History, Genealogy and Biography 


George Sheldon, Dr. Frank A. Gardner, Lucie M. Gardner, 


Charles A. Flagg, Albert W. Dennis, 


Issued in January, April, July and October. Subscription, $2.50 per year, Single copies, 75c 

VOL. VI JULY, 1913 JTO. 3 

Contents of tljts Issue. 


Judge Francis M. Thompson 99 


MICHIGAN PIONEERS ....."" Charles A. Flagg . 137 


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By Judge Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, Massachusetts 

Including His Narrative of Three Years in the New West. Durino Which 

He Took in 18G2 a 3000-mile Trip From St. Louis up the Missouri, and 

Thence Down the Snake and Columbia FavERs to Portland, and to 

San Francisco. Returning in 1863. 

(Continued from Vol VI, No. 2) 



Sunday, October 18th, 1862, our party spent in comp together, for the 
last time. Being assured by the men at the ferry that there was no 
danger in descending the Snake river, excepting at the Pine Tree rapids, 
Mr. Mead and I exchanged our horses for a well built lap-streak Hudson 
Bay batteau, which would carry about six tons and seemed tight and 
seaworthy. We had seen in a Portland paper accounts of boats being 
wrecked in the river, and the drowning of several returning miners, but 
when Rev. Mr. Francis decided to join our party, we telt sure that we 
would escape all danger. He was a most practical man and had crossed 
the ocean some fourteen times, and had for many years been a dweller 
on the New Foundland coast. He declined to take command of our ship 
and I was elected captain, Watkins was engineer and was to keep the 
ark dry, Mead was cook, Reverend Francis, chaplain ; and all hands oars- 

We stocked the ship with provisions sufficient to take us to old Fort 
Walla Walla (now Wallula) where we hoped to find less extravagant 
prices. The next day we bade farewell to the Clow-Jones party, who 
continued their overland journey toward Fort Walla Walla, and we were 
soon swiftly floating down the treacherous Snake river, wmch seems to 
run in a great crack in the earth's surface, and there is scarcely a bush or 
green thing to be seen for miles and miles. We passed down several pretty 
rough waters during the dav. and often wondered how much worse than 



these the dreaded Pine Tree rapids were. I found that the rudder, hung 
in the usual way, gave me no control of the boat in very swift water, and 
when we camped having- found the ruins of a broken boat, I decked over a 
standing place in the stern of the ship and substituted a long sweep for 
the rudder. I now had an extended view of the river and perfect control 
of the boat and full confidence that I could safely guide the craft under 
any circumstances, and I have no doubt but this change saved our lives. 
Being in a deep canon, at night we were forced to tie our boat to a big 
rock and pass the hours in rather close quarters, on board. Having no way 
of cooking on board we kept on our way in the morning until we saw 
the mist rolling up from the great rapids. Landing, while breakfast was 
being prepared, Mr. Francis and I climbed up the walls of the canon 
and I made a chart of the channel, as it wound from side to side of the 
river. There were several ledges, some projecting from one side of the 
river and some from the other. There seemed a safe passage way. if we 
could only keep in it. The upper rapid was on our side the river and 
with all the men at the oars, we started in. and w T ith our hearts in our 
mouths ran the torturous channel with perfect safety, the only mishap 
being a wetting from the spray caused by the bow of the boat splashing 
down upon the rough water. Our confidence in our boat and in each 
other was vastly improved. 

Tired and weak from our excitement, after a short day's travel we made 
camp upon a sandy beach, where we hoped to bake some potatoes in the 
hot sand. A strong wind sucked up through the canon, and Watkins, our 
clown, remarked as the sand sifted in all our food, "We have sand-wiches 
enough to make us all crazy." Our wit responded, 

"The world which knows itself too sad, 
Is proud to keep some faces glad." 

The next day brought its full measure of dangerous rapids, but by use 
of the long sweep and the quick response of the man at the oars, we 
passed them all in safety, and about three o'clock came to the junction 
of the Snake and the Columbia. Mead dipped water from the great river 
and in grandiloquent speech, dubbed the ship "The Novice," and captain, 
chaplain, and crew joined in three hearty cheers. Before dark we reached 
Wallula and took up our lodgings in an. old boat drawn up on the shore. 
The wind blew a gale up the canon, and we spent the hours of waiting 
in saining information about the river. It is one hundred and ten miles 
to Deschutes, the first large rapids, but just above the mouths of all large 
rivers entering the Columbia, there are dangerous rapids. Stocking up 
our craft for a week's travel, and taking on a passenger, we renewed our 
journey, in a stiff head wind. Camping on a sandy beach, the wind nearly 


covered us with drifting sand during the night. When, during the next 
day, we neared the head of the Umatilla rapids, we hauled to the short and 
I climbed to the blurt and made a chart of the river. There were five 
reefs stretching across the river within a few miles, with the deep water 
winding from side to side above each. I put Mead in the bow of the 
boat to look out for sunken rocks, and we started into the path from 
which there was no turning. At times, the boys had to pull for their 
lives to escape some big rock, but we came through safe and sound, though 
poor Mead was drenched from head to foot. The shooting of these rapids 
is as exciting as a ball game or horse race. Every nerve and muscle is 
at extreme tension, and the spice of real danger adds interest to the 
occasion. After passing Grande Ronde landing we made camp on a beauti- 
ful grassy slope and slept well after our exciting day. With the morning's 
sun a most magnificent scene broke upon our view. Mount Hood with its 
eternal cap of snow loomed up in the south-west, piercing the clouds. 
Along the river were many Indian camps, and the natives were out in 
their canoes busily engaged in picking up the dead salmon which float 
in the stream by hundreds. Unless too rotten, they dry them for food. 

Sailing against strong head winds, we made slow progress but near 
night came to a point where we could hear the roar of rapids which we 
knew extended for fifteen miles. Near by, the crew of another boat were 
camped, but having no provisions they were up and off at daylight. After 
climbing the bluff and sketching the river as far as I could, we entered 
into the Rock Creek rapids and flying through them passed Sqaully Hook, 
then the Indian rapids, and at last the great John Day rapids. 

Between the John Day's and the Deschutes rivers w r e had a strong 
head wind, and were compelled to cordelle the boat for some miles, and 
near sunset reached Klik-i-tat landing, when our passenger said that he 
knew the river well from there to Deschutes. I told him to come up and 
take the helm, and I took his place at an oar. As we approached the rap- 
ids, the river being in a deep canyon and taking a sudden turn, the 
stranger turned white as a sheet and called out to me to "come up.'' Mr. 
Francis shouted "get up there. Thompson." I saw in an instant that we 
were close upon the falls and on the wrong side of the river; that the 
reef ran quartering across the river, in which great breaks existed, through 
which the water poured in mighty sluiceways. I told the men they must 
pull for their lives, this time, and headed the boat toward a raging torrent 
which ran close beside an immense rock. I could not see what was belcw 
the reef, but it was our only chance, and as we shot over the crest the 
boat just grazed upon the standing rock and down we went in a fall of 
at least ten feet, the "Novice" riding the falls and the big waves below. 
like a thing of life. When he could stand, Mr. Francis arose and spread- 


ing out his hands as in a blessing, reverently said. "Thank God!" It was 
a close shave and we all joined in the "Amen !" It was pitch dark when 
we made our camp on a little island in the mouth of the Deschutes river. 
The next day we continued our journey to Celilo, a little village at the 
head cf the Dalles. 

We could not pay the exorbitant fare for conveyance by stage to the 
Dalles, so we sent our baggage by a wagon and footed the fifteen miles 
over the foothills. We abandoned the "Novice" with great regret, but 
the stage of the water was such that she could not be taken through the 
Dalles, so we left her in the hands of an agent to be sold. Reaching the 
Dalles before sunset we made camp near the steamer landing, beside a 
pile of railroad ties. During the night thieving Indians crawded up toward 
our camp and when I whispered to Watkins, loud enough so that I knew 
they could hear, "Hand me my pistol," the miscreants gathered themselves 
up and ran like deer. 

The fare to Portland the next day we found to be $5, while the op- 
position boat due the second day carried passenged for $2. so considering 
that our lodgings were free, we camped another night. We think that 
this place will sometime in the future be an important point, when the 
time shaJl come that the immense water power is developed, and the trade 
of the rich mining and agricultural vaileys established as they surely will 
be in the near future. 

Taking the little opposition steamer Dalles, at five o'clock in the morn- 
ing we made our way down the mighty river, which runs in a deep canon 
with almost perpendicular wall rocks. Now and then there are a few 
acres of bottom land lying in some bend of the river, on which some 
settler has built a log house. Being hemmed in by the rocky walls they 
seem to have no outlet but by the river. A few miles above the Cascades, 
in the lake-like river, are standing the petrified trunks of immense trees, 
sometimes reaching thirty or forty feet above the waters. Many seem 
to have been broken off by the water, perhaps by some flood occurring 
centuries ago. These seem to add credence to the Indian legend that 
formerly the river ran beneath the Cascade range, and that the moun- 
tains, Hood and St. Helens fought each other with hre, the effect of which 
was to break down the bridge. The scenery of the Sierra Nevada gorge 
and mountains is sublime. Reaching the landing at the head of the Cas- 


cades, wc walked the four miles to the foot of the rapids, rather than pay 
a dollar for a ride upon the apology for a railroad. We thus had a mag- 
nificent view of the angry river as it reached the brackish waters of the 
sea. How a reckless steamer captain, anxious to escape service of papers 
by an officer of the law. ever brought his boat down those fearful rapids, 
remains an unsolved mystery, but such is the fact. 

"And the river leaps and whirls and swings, 
To the changeless song the great cliff sings."' 

van Bcuren. 

At the landing, we found an ancient scow upon whose deck an up- 
right boiler had been placed, and on it were crowded about forty horses 
and four loaded wagons, and sandwiched in, were some fifty passengers. 
Some of these climbed upon the roof of what the captain called the cabin, 
but were ordered down, as the captain said the boat was "topheavy any- 
way." As she rolled to one side and the other, when she got under way, 
one man offered the captain five dollars if he would put him and his horse 
on shore. We declined the venture, and waited better accommodations. 

October 31st, 1862, we reached Portland, having come from the Cas- 
cades in the "Le\ iathan'' a staunch little steamer fifty-two feet in length. 
Our minds can hardly conceive more magnificent scenery than that of 
the Columbia below the Cascades. Nine miles below the raoids on the 
Washington side of the river, stands Castle Rock, covering four or five 
acres, with perpendicular walls eight hundred feet in height. We pass 
the celebrated Multnomah falls, and the beautiful Bridal Veil, which is 
the most bewitching of all. A small rivulet in its course reaches the top 
of the cliff on the Oregon side of the Columbia, and leaps a distance of 
four hundred and fifty feet, almost into the river at the foot of the great 
precipice. Tall trees standing at the base of the falls seem like small 
bushes, so high is the white sheet of water above their tops. Cape Horn, 
on the opposite side of the river is a bold promintory of great height and 
majesty. On our arrival at Portland late in the evening we once more 
succumbed to the influences of civilization, and put up at the What Cheer 

On the first of November we took an account of stock and after sell- 
ing all our saddles, blankets, and other impedimenta, and getting about 
six ounces of gold assayed at the United States mint, which produced 


nineteen dollars and a half per ounce, we found that we could no longer 
provide for our companions, Mr. Francis and the faithful little Stewart; 
but good luck attended both us and them, for we were able to obtain from 
good Governor Gibbs. for Mr. Francis the office of chaplain, and for Stew- 
art the appointment as guard, in the Oregon State Penitentiary. Hav- 
ing put our friends in a safe place for the winter, we paid forty-five dol- 
lars each for steamer tickets to San Francisco. Our steamer the old 

Pacific — was largely loaded with apples— and such big ones— some speci- 
mens would nearly fill a man's hat, but they lack the New England flavor. 
Running upon a sand bar in the Willamette, we remained fast until high 
tide in the morning. A strong west wind had worked up a wicked sea, 
and when outside, out of two hundred passengers only eighteen thought 
they needed any supper. I was a business man the most of the afternoon. 
Thousands of white pelicans were to be seen at the mouth of the Colum- 
bia. The next morning found the steamer in the beautiful straits of 
Juan de Fuca, with a calm sea and restful scenery. The shores are heavily 
timbered and there are many beautiful islands in a sea varying from rive 
or six to ten or fifteen miles in width. Far away to the east Mount Baker 
lifts its helmet of snow which glistens in the sunlight. Threading the 
channel among the beautiful islands in Puget sound, we reached Victoria, 
B. C., about noon, and had plenty of time to visit the town and the 
great British naval station called the Esquimalt. For three days we were 
at sea, no land in sight. A single ship appears on the western horizon. A 
large whale spouts near the ship. A few porpoises tumble and play at 
a little distance. The ship rolls heavily, and I don't like it. 

Nov. 8, 1862. We approach the Golden Gate, which seems to be a 
mile or more in width and is flanked on either side by high headlands 
There is an extensive fortress at Fort Point, but we have learned that its 
walls would be little protection from the new iron-clads. The soldiers' 
barracks upon the hill-side look very neat and cozy. The grim guns threat- 
en us as we pass Alcatraz Island, but we make our way to the wharf and 
are safely quartered in another "What Cheer House" before night. 

During my stay of three months in San Francisco, I had the company 
of an old St. Louis friend, C. E. Wheeler, and also an acquaintance with 
P. C. Dart, a 'Frisco merchant, and Captain Henry W. Kellogg of the 


United States Army, a native of Shelburne, Mass. I was thus enabled to 
pass the rainy season with enjoyment after I had established communica- 
tion with St. Louis and the East. I was a constant attendant with the 
congregation of T. Starr King, a man of great talent, and heard with 
great pleasure his sermon preached Feb. 1, 1863, from the text ".he Lord 
reigneth! let the earth rejoice," having relation to to Presiden. Lincoln's 
proclamation of freedom. Having completed arrangements with my 
brother in St. Louis to send me a general stock of merchandise to Fort 
Benton by steamer in the spring, my friend Wheeler and I left Feb. 8, by 
steamer for Portland, where we arrived in due time after a very stormy 
passage. Here I found Messers. Clow, Jones, Curley, Stewart and others 
who had been companions the year before on the voyage up the Missouri. 
Rev. Mr. Francis was in Oregon city, and supplying also in Salem. One 
day early in March while I was awaiting information from St. Louis, 
Dr. Hicklin and I went out on the mountain to visit a friend of his. Ar- 
riving at a little log hut, we found his friend w'ith his wife and nine 
children, the oldest being twelve years old. Where we were all to sleep 
I could not imagine, but come night, the doctor and I were given the 
trundle bed in which we curled up, spoon fashion. Here I learned a 
new method of making a clearing in a heavy forest. The settler bores a 
hole on a level into the center of a great pine tree, and then beginning two 
or three feet above, bores another on an angle downward to meet the first 
one, at the tree center. Into these holes he pokes a few coals of fire, 
where it smoulders until the tree burns off and falls to the ground. Then 
he bores similar holes in the prostrate body of the tree in lengths suitable 
for handling with a team and when the tree is burned into logs, piles them 
up and burns them. The waste of fine timber is wicked. On my return 
to the city, I shot a large American eagle which I presented to my friend 
A. J. Butler, who had it mounted. Mr. Francis having friends upon the 
steamer Sierra Nevada, which was aground in the river below the city, 
we visited a Mrs. Very and her daughter, who were on their way to Port 
Townshend, and helped them while away the weary hours of their delay, 
much to our pleasure. On the 19th of March I bade goodbye to Mr. 
Francis and little Stewart, having decided to return to Beaver Head, while 
Mr. Francis, goes to San Francisco and from thence to New York. He is 
a fine old Welshman, and knows more of human nature than most men ot 


his profession. The next day Wheeler and I left Portland on the steamer 
Wilson G. Hunt for the Cascades. We landed at the lower landing on the 
Oregon side and walked the five miles to the head of the Cascades, thus 
cheating the horse railroad out of two dollars. A steam railroad was be- 
ing built upon the opposite side of the river, running near an old block- 
house. Taking passage on the Idaho we passed the petrified trees, the 
grave yard island where bleach the corded up bones of hundreds of In 
dian small pox victims, and now and then saw a hewn log house built 
on the bottom lands, with projecting upper story for defensive purposes, 
against possible Indian enemies. The Dalies was a busy little town, 
large parties of miners and freighters fitting out for the newly discovered 
mines on John Day's river and the Blue mountains. The Portage railroad 
through the Dalles gorge to Celilo had just been built, and by the polite 
invitation of the Oregon Steam Navigation Company I had the pleasure 
of a trip over the romantic way. The road runs near the river and about 
five miles above the village, in its construction through the sand heaps, 
numerous Indian skeletons were unearthed and skulls and other bones lay 
exposed upon the embankment. The river at this point seems to 
been turned up edge-wise, and the waters of a large territory pour through 
a seemingly small crack in the rocks, but of unknown depth. To stand 
upon the elevated rocks above the tumultuous waters across which one 
feels himself able to toss a stone, produces a most unusual sensation, 
long to be remembered. This is the great fishing place of the natives. 
and all along in the sand can be seen the caclics in which the dried 
salmon have been stored. The excavation is made in the shape of a jug, 
sometimes ten or twelve feet in depth and from four to six feet in diam- 
eter, the entrance at the top being just large enough for a person to get 
m co pack che fish. The sides are carefully lined with tules, and in these 
the fish are safely kept for many months. I left Dalles on my long journ- 
ey the third of April, going to Celilo by stage, where I took the opposition 
boat Kiyus for Wallula. On our way up the Columbia we had several 
races with the regular boat, Spray, in which we were elated to be able to 
come in ahead. We were obliged to tie up over night at the Umatilla 
rapids, over which w r e were compelled to wind up by a tow line. We came 
to W'allula an hour and a half before the Spray. 

The government abandoned old Fort Walla Walla some years since. 


and built anew in a beautiful valley, some thirty miles up the Walla Walla 
river, and a mile or more away from the army buildings there was located 
quite a nice little village. Here I was joined by Mr. Wheeler who decided 
to accompany me to the Beaver Head mines. Mr. Terry, an old moun- 
tain man, advises us to go to the Bitter Root valley, by the Pend-Orille 

The 10th of April we took the stage at 3 o'clock in the morning and 
after an eighty-three mile ride, arrived at Lewiston situated at the junc- 
tion of the Clearwater and the Snake rivers. Our very pleasant travelling 
companions were Major Francis, Captain Truax and Lt. Hammer of the 
army, and Mr. Woodward agent of Wells Fargo & Co. The steamer 
Kiyus passed above Lewiston on the Snake river the same day. The next 
day Mr. Haggard with express matter from Fort Benton came in, bring- 
ing news from my companions at Beaver Head. Having purchased a good 
sized American horse for riding, and a pack animal, and Mr. Wheeler 
having bought a riding pony, on the 10th of April we crossed the Clear- 
water on a ferry-boat and climbed the high hill lying northward of the 
town. W r e were followed by about a dozen of as rough looking specimens 
of the human species as ever I saw, who announce their intention of keep- 
ing us company to the Beaver Head mines. 

If the old saying that "a bad beginning makes a good ending" proves to 
be true, then we will be happy indeed; for as we made our way up the 
mountain side from the ferry, we met a half dozen green pack horses, 
running and kicking and bucking off their packs, and our horses joined in 
with the rest and away the crazy brutes went down the mountain, scatter- 
ing the contents of the champaign basket which we called our "kitchen" 
along the hill side; and butter, beans and bacon, cheese, candles and coffee. 
onions, potatoes, pepper and sardines strewed the way for a mile, while 
the flapping frying pan and coffee pot, added frenzy to the demoralized 
Kiyus. It was a discouraging start, but we gathered up the fragments 
and capturing our four footed helper we repacked the remnants, and led 
the beast for a rest of the day. We carry no tent but sleep under the 
roof of heaven and pay no rent. The first day we made but six miles, and 
it rained and snowed during the night, but we travelled twenty-five miles 
the second day, during which I was compelled to lead our pack animal. 
A party of three overtook us before making camp, and one of them 


whom I took to be a woman, though dressed in men's clothing including 
boots and hat, announced that she was a "Scotch man, and wasn't married 
to no man!"She rode astride her horse as all women should. As we 
pull out of camp and ride off down the trail in Indian file, with our fifteen 
or twenty pack horses we make quite a formidable looking party. For 
two days it rained and snowed and we remained in camp, and made our- 
selves as comfortable by big fires as circumstances would permit. We 
have had an Indian guide, but being disgruntled at something, he under- 
took to run away, but I took after him and by giving him "chickamin" 
(money) persuaded him to stay with us. 

As we came to the Palouse river I killed three grouse which furnished 
us fine food. Another party who camped'near us got but one grouse, but 
had killed a large owl. Dressing it they put it into the camp kettle with 
the grouse, but after cooking it for a long time it still remained so tough 
that they could not eat it. Building a raft we attached our lariats to it 
and hauled it over and back to bring across all the packs and people. The 
horses were made to swim the river. One of our followers lost his pack 
horse this morning. Our guide has disappeared, and the rabble all depend 
upon following my lead. Steptoe's Butte is my objective point, a well 
known land mark, as near by Steptoe was defeated by the Indians a few 
years since. One day we travelled through deep snow on the northerly 
side of a mountain, and our delightful travelling companions cursed loud 
and deep concerning my leadership. It was at times hard to keep control 
•of my speech, but I realized the danger of a wrangle with such a crew. 
After a hard ride of twenty-five miles we came out on Camas Prairie creek, 
where we found good camping grounds. Some of the men ascending a 
•small hill, discovered that just beyond there was a large Indian camp. 

I immediately told our people to make into heaps all articles in the 
camp and cover them with bankets, and advised them to have a man sit 
•on each pile. Soon came up a hundred Indians, their sharp eyes looking 
for any article which they could lay their hands upon. They were anxious 
to exchange potatoes and dried salmon for sugar, coffee, or any thing 
■else which they fancied. Some of the young bucks were very pert and 
quite saucy. While I was palavering with an old Indian, a young fellow 
•came near, and as quick as a cat snatched from my belt a small self cocking 


French revolver; I looked at him and smiled, and as he put it up before 
his face to examine it, he unwittingly caused it to explode, and the bullet 
passed through the brim of an old soft hat he was wearing. A more aston- 
ished looking fellow I never saw, and after a moment he meekly handed 
back the little pistol and departed much subdued in manner. 

In this party was an old man remarkable in appearance by reason 
of wearing quite a full beard. He came up in front of me and saluting 
"How! How!" pointed to his breast and said, "Me, Clark; me, Clark;'' 
What the celebrated early explorer would have said about the claimant of 
his name, I know not ,bnt it is an old saying that "It is a wise son who 
knows his own father." But not all Indians are truthful. Again we were 
compelled to build a raft to cross this narrow but very deep and rapid 

One morning after it had rained all night and everybody was out ol 
sorts, I struck off down a creek and the hangers on began to grumble. I 
told them to go where they pleased, but they followed on. After a while 
we found that the trail led across the creek, when the rabble broke out 
again. I "answered them not" but struck off toward Steptoe's moun- 
tain, abandoning the trail, and after four pathless miles struck a broad 
trail which I followed until our horses could go no farther, and we made 
a dry camp in a thick forest. Soon the big camp fires lighted up the 
great pine trees most beautifully, and we feasted on broiled grouse but 
with nothing to drink. After a most tiresome day we reached the top 
of a high hill from which we could see a large valley, which I knew to 
be the Spokane prairie, so w r e hurried on down the mountain, coming .n a 
wide gravel plain, the river seeming to be about five miles away. Continu- 
ing on our way hoping to reach water, the day waned with the river ap- 
parently as distant as hours before, and we felt compelled to make another 
dry camp, which is a most discouraging thing to do. We were in a 
scattered forest of pine, and while I was busy getting supper, Wheeler, 
remembering that he had passed some snow at the foot of the hill, started 
to find some for tea. With not the slightest idea of locality, he was soon 
lost. I fired guns hoping to direct him to camp, but when I discovered 
him after two hours search, he was going directly away from camp, com- 
pletely bewildered. An Indian came to our camp in the morning and 
guided us to the ferry owned by Antoine Plante, and crossing the Spokane 


we made our camp a mile above, hoping here to escape our quandon 

We purchased fine vegetables from an Indian who told us that the 
Hudson Bay brigade passed up the valley the day before, on their way to 
the Flathead country. I immediately conceived the idea of overtaking 
this party and travelling with them. Mr. Wheeler and I had taken a 
fancy to a man among our followers by the name of Cook, and invited him 
to join us in the capacity of cook. He was glad to come with us and I 
bought a pony of our Indian friend for his use. Very early the next morn- 
ing we three stole from camp and pushed on to overtake the Hudson Bay 
people, which we accomplished, and found Captain McLaren very cordial 
in his invitation to join his party. They had some sixty pack horses and 
about ten or twelve Indian and half breed servants. The commander told 
us to turn our stock in with the others and his men would care for them. 
On our way we met Major Owen, and Mr. McDonald, agent for the Hud- 
son Bay Company, at Colville, on their way to Portland. Our brigade 
was bound for St. Ignatius Mission, and at night we met and camped 
with a brigade loaded with furs bound from Colville to Portland, where 
they would purchase and bring back a season's supply. YVe here left the 
Spokane and struck across to the Pend Orielle lake, making a march of 
twenty-five miles. On the south side of the lake outlet, we found ai old 
chief and a few followers, who had a boat made of the bark of an immense 
pine tree, the brasing out of the middle of the boat cocking up the two 
ends above the water line. No one was permitted to enter this frail craft 
without first removing his shoes, for fear of puncturing the bark. The old 
Pend-Orielle chief took a great fancy to my big horse, and as we bar- 
gained for the transportation across the lake, of our party, he importuned 
me to sell him my coal black "Colonel." He offered three good ponies, but 
I made him understand that I only needed the one horse and would not 
sell him. As a final inducement he led out from his wikiup a young girl 
some sixteen or seventeen years of age, of comely and modest appearance, 
and offered her to me in exchange for my horse. He seemed struck with 
amazement when I would not exchange my horse, even for a princess. 
Captain McLaren informed me that the probabilities were against my 
having the Colonel in the morning, unless I held his lariat all night. 



The horses of the brigade were driven into the lake twenty-five at a 
time, and before they reached the opposite shore the noise of the puffing 
and blowing- of the swimming horses, reminded me of the noise of a big 
mill. When our turn came, the old chief sat in the stern of the boat and 
carefully held the Colonel's head above water as he swam by the side of 
the bark canoe. Once in camp and supper eaten. I stole away alone with 
my valuable horse and made a secret camp, that the Colonel and T might 
still be travelling companions. We travelled up the northeastern side of 
the lake, where in ordinary stages of the water thre is a fine beach, but all 
the rivers now putting into the lake are running banks full, and the water 
is so high that we are compelled to take to the woods. Scrambling uver 
fallen timber, scratching through thick brush and climbing over rocky 
points jutting out into the lake, we find most wearisome and trying to 
both nerves and temper. It was most interesting to watch our long string 
of pack horses, as they filed through the woods. They were led by a wise 
old bell mare who would carefully climb along the side of a large tree, 
when it had fallen across the trail, until she reached the end, and then 
go around it and follow back to the trail, while some green norse, see- 
ing another a little w r ay ahead, would undertake to leap over the trunk 
and come to disaster, frequently rolling over down the hill. After ten 
miles of such travel we again took to the lake shore, often finding deep 
water as we wallowed around the ends of tall trees fallen into the lake. 
Coming to an impetuous mountain stream running into the lake, and 
fearing that the pack? would get soaked if remaining upon the hor^e-. we 
stripped off our clothes and, each rider taking a pack before him, forded 
the icy river and returning for another continued until a hundred packs had 
been safely transferred. We met with a large party of Pend-Orielle In- 
dians returning from a buffalo hunt, and took some lessons in ''simple 
life," as they camped near us. All the streams running down from the 
mountains are at flood stage and we are greatly hindered at their crossing. 
Reaching Pack river, we were lucky enough to find three Indians who 
had a boat and for some triflling presents they took our packs over. Made 
camp and Captain McLaren opened some goods and traded with the 
Indians. For a little tobacco we obtained some large salmon trout and 
a beaver's tail, of which delicacy I could not persuade Wheeler to partake. 


We had hardly proceeded a mile, in the morning, before we came to 
a river too deep to be forded, and a messenger was dispatched for the 
Indians to come with their boat, and again they helped us in a cross- 
ing. Cedar river proved so deep and the current so swift, that both horses 
and men were nearly exhausted when we made camp high up on the 
mountain side, where we not only found good feed for the horses, but a 
magnificent view of the lake and river. Soon after starting in the morn- 
ing a half blind horse was made wholly so, and had to be abandoned. The 
green horse substituted ran away with his pack, and the French half 
breed who brought him in, rode up to Captain McLaren and said, "How 
much 'e price dat hoss? I buy him and kill dam fool." The trail along 
the river is overflowed, and we are compelled to take to the brush and 
timber along the mountain side, and both men and horses suffer terribly. 
We are following up the Pend-Orielle river and coming to the Bull's head 
river, found it running a torrent. We found a narrow place and felled a 
tree which luckily reached across and caught on some floodwood upon the 
opposite shore. The middle of the tree was a foot under water, but some 
limbs helped us to preserve our balance and the men carried over the 
whole camp outfit. We then undertook to compel the horses to swim 
the raging flood, an Indian leading the way with my big horse, but he 
was the only one which made the passage ; some of the others landing on 
the shore they started from, and some washing down to the big river and 
reaching an island, from which Indians were sent to drive them to the 
home camp. I crossed over the tree to get to my horse and finding that we 
were on an island I attempted to cross a slough on the Colonel's back, but 
the water proved so. deep that we both had to swim. It was raining hard 
and very cold, and after much trouble I succeeded in starting a tire, and 
my horse and I stood close by and shivered. I gave the horse a half loaf 
of wet bread as there was no feed,and we both had a miserable night. In 
the morning we recrossed the river and driving the horses a mile above 
camp found a place where we thought they might ford. Stationing men 
with long poles on the rocks, an Indian mounted a pony and rode in, the 
men rushing the other horses after him. He succeeded in getting across 
and as the others came stumbling within reach of the poles they were 
frightened over toward the other shore, and at last all gained the solid 


land. We only marched seven miles and camped in a little prairie, close 
by an Indian grave. The next day we made a long march, and some of 
the horses being- weak and underfed; fell out and an Indian was left to 
bring in the stragglers. We camped beside Vermillion river and I found 
a good prospect of gold in the gravel. 

On Thompson's prairie, where a few years before the Hudson Bay Com- 
pany had a fort, we laid for two days, that men and beasts might recruit, 
and that washing, mending and baking might be done. I caught a great 
quantity of large salmon trout, which when broiled on the coals, was a 
most agreeable change in our diet. Here we toted our packs across on a 
log which we were so fortunate as to fall across the river. Driving in the 
horses, some were nearly drowned as they passed under the tree which we 
had used as a bridge, but we saved them all. Crossing a very steep point 
some eight hundred feet in height, composed of sharp loose stone, called 
Cabinet mountain, was a very severe trial for the stock, but the trials of the 
day were forgotten when we made camp in beautiful Horse prairie. It was 
the 8th of May but water froze in our camp. Here we abandoned the 
river, and after clambering over a trail strewn with sharp rocks for ten 
miles reached a camas prairie which extended to the Flathead river, just 
below the Flathead lake. Six Flathead Indians from a camp near by, 
are our guests for the night. The tribe are digging camas, crowse, or bit- 
ter root. Camas is a root in appearance like a small onion. It is sweet 
and glutinous and quite palatable, and may be eaten raw or cooked. The 
squaws prepare it by digging a hole in the ground in which they build 
a fire and heat the surrounding earth, after which they sweep it out and 
putting in the camas they place over the roots the inverted turf and cov- 
ering the whole with heated flat stones on which they keep a fire until 
the camas is cooked. In this condition it may be eaten, or when pounded 
up, it may be baked into bread, or if desired it will dry and keep for a long 
time. Crowse is similar to the camas and is plentiful in countries west of 
the Rocky Mountains. These esculent roots are flour and potatoes to the 
Indians. The Flatheads took us across their great river in a pine bark 
canoe, and although Mission Indians, we have to keep a sharp lookout 
for little things about camp, and notwithstanding all our care, we missed 


a handy little knife which we had used about camp. The river is so wide 
and deep that Mr. McLaren did not think it safe to have some of the 
weaker horses swim it, and a few of those driven in came near drown- 
ing. We followed up the Flathead about twelve miles to the Jocko, 
where we bade farewell to Captain McLaren and his men who have been 
very kind to us. Following up the Jocko and crossing a divide we came 
to St. Ignatius Mission. Here we found extensive buildings, a church, 
saw and grist mills, and many other evidences of civilization, and the 
mission Fathers very hospitable. They invited us to supper and fur- 
nished us with provisions for the continuance of our journey. There were 
about eight hundred Pend-Orielle and Flathead Indians here, and we 
much enjoyed witnessing their horse-racing. It is very pretty here and 
-everything shows the careful work of the faithful priests. Two Indian boys 
-came into camp bringing with them a horse in exchange for one of ours 
which was unfit for duty, which was very kind and thoughtful of Mr. 
McLaren. We sent the boys away happy. Later we went on about ten 
miles to the government agency for the Flatheads. Here we met one of 
the fathers, who warned us against war parties of Snake and Bannack 
Indians who infested the country, and would rob us, if they thought that 
they would not suffer in the attack. We three kept on alone and cross- 
ing some mountains came out upon the Bitter Root river, w r hich we had 
traveled the fall before, and going up that stream came to Worden & Co/s 
store. Frank L. Worden came to this country in i860, in company with 
C. P. Higgins and others and was in trade at Missoula for many years. 
He was a man of strict integrity with a high sense of honor. He repre- 
sented this region in" the first Legislative Council of Montana "and oc- 
•cupied many positions of honor and trust and was always faithful in the 
•discharge of every- public duty confided to his hands." He died Feb. 5, 

Being now upon the Mullan road, travelled on my journey to the Pa- 
•cific,' which has been described, I shall only mention some incidents which 
happened to us on our journey to Fort Benton, where I go expecting to re- 
ceive goods upon the arrival of steamers from St. Louis. Our party of 
tthree are a little nervous for fear of meeting hostile Indians, as we were 
told at Worden's that the Blackfeet stole one hundred and twenty-five 


horses at Deer Lodge the week before. Being pursued, all but seven 
which were ridden by the thieves, were recovered. Coming to Flint creek 
we were much relieved to find a wagon train on their way to Fort Benton 
to get freight from the steamers which were expected there. We made 
a short visit at our old deserted home on the Deer Lodge, and rode up to 
Johnny Grant's to obtain supplies. Here we found a large number of 
teams assembled to travel in company to Fort Benton. Several disap- 
pointed men from the Bannack mines were loud in their curses of the 
country, and a few lucky ones who had "made their pile" were very ju- 
bilant. One poor fellow who had hoped to take his small fortune home by 
the steamer, had been robbed of all his treasure on his way from the 
mines, and was sadly debating whether to go home or return to the mines 
and try to retrieve his losses. Our faithful man Cook left us here to try 
his luck in the mines. We arranged to have our baggage taken in the 
wagons, and sold our extra horses, and purchased of Johnny Grant five 
pounds of sugar for five dollars and two of salt for another dollar. May 
19, 1863, we left Deer Lodge in company with white men, white women, 
squaws, half breeds, and Indian herdsmen, twenty in number, and two 
hundred head of stock, making a motley crew indeed. 

Our first camp was made just west of the summit at Mullan's pass, 
in a cold driving storm of snow and rain. The loose stock was badly scat- 
tered by the storm and a late start was the result. I found ten feet of 
snow , hard and icy, at the summit, on this my eighth time of crossing 
the Rocky 's. Mr. Boltee, the manager of the train overtook us at Little 
Prickly Pear, having rode from Gold Creek, seventy-five miles in one 
day, on one mule. As we passed the lonely grave of young Lyon who was 
accidentally shot on Medicine Rock hill, we were reminded of his pleas- 
ant companionship on the trip up the Missouri. The next day Mr. Boltee 
and I rode ahead, forty-six miles to the government farm on Sun river. 
Here we found our old friends and companions Mr. and Mrs. Vail, Miss 
Bryan and young Swift, who seemed very glad to see me, and urged me 
to stop with them until the arrival of the boats, which I am very glad to 
do. The season has been very dry and the Sun river valley is all parched 
and burned up, and the stock has been driven up into the mountains. Mr. 
Boltee and Mr. Wheeler left the farm for Fort Benton and Mr. Crump 


of St. Louis, Judge Barry, and Mr. Williamson from Walla Walla, came in 
ahead of the train and stopped at the farm. Many trains are crossing 
Sun river on the Benton road, among others Johnny Grant's with twenty 
two wagons. We, at the farm are mourning the death of Iron, our In- 
dian hunter. He was the best Indian I ever knew, and was killed by Ban- 
nacks near Crown Butte while on a hunting excursion. The murderers 
left signs that Bannacks did the deed, and captured two horses and saddles, 
gun and blankets which belonged to the farm equipment. 

One day we came near having a tragedy in our midst. An Indian 
and his squaw came to the farm seeking his other squaw who had left his 
bed and board in company with another young buck. He declared that if 
he could find her he would kill her, or else cut off her nose and ears and 
let her go, punishment which Indian law permitted. We truthfully told 
him that we had seen no strange squaw, and he kept on his search, but 
had not been gone an hour before the missing squaw came in alone. 
When told that she was pursued, she only remained to take a little food 
and Mrs. Vail loaded her with a blanket and provisions, and she struck 
out for the mountains. We had determined that no murder or maiming 
should be done in our midst and hoped that she would reach some Flat- 
head camp. Mr. Vail and I hunt enough to furnish meat for the farm 
and the many visitors, and sometimes get out the government ambulance 
and escort the women and children as they drive over the plains. Some 
of the train men brought me eleven long lost letters, some being dated ten 
months previously, but none the less welcome. 

June ist, 1863, one of the fathers from the Mission of St. Peters, located 
a few miles away, in attempting to ford Sun river, came near being 
drowned. He finally reached our side of the river and came to the fort, 
but his horse returned to the opposite shore. I swam m\ horse over and 
after a long search recovered his horse and brought him to the farm. The 
next day there came to the fort Henry Plummer, sheriff of Bannack city. 
He is expected to marry Miss Bryan when the Indian agent, Rev. Mr. 
Reed comes to the fort upon the arrival of the steamers. Just as a party 
of us were about to start for Fort Benton the Walla Walla expressman 
came in from there, and reported that nothing had been heard from the 
boats, so we delayed our journey. We pass away considerable time and 


expend a good deal of ammunition in shooting at prairie dogs, which are 
pretty hard to hit and not very excellent food when secured. 

Mr. and Mrs. Vail, Messrs. Plummer, Wheeler, Swift and I with the 
two Vail children, make up a party to visit the Great Falls of the Missouri, 
distant about thirty miles from the farm. Mr. Vail drives the ambulance 
and the other men are mounted. We leave the fort in the care of one 
man with directions not to admit any Indians within the gates. We 
reached the Horseshoe falls before dark and built our campfires in a deep- 
ravine so as not to attract the sharp eyes of any roving Indians, as many 
of them are very saucy and "clean out" small parties when they run but 
little risk of getting hurt. The succeeding day we visited all the falls, 
saw the eagle's nest (perhaps the same) written of by Lewis & Clark, and 
were impressed by the lowe?, or "Great" falls, but the others are only 
pretty and interesting. On our return Plummer, Swift and Wheeler rid- 
ing ahead, suddenly turned on the top of a hill and rode toward us who 
were with the ambulance. We supposed they had discovered Indians, and 
made ready for defending our women and children ; but it proved to be a 
herd of antelope, which they wished me to stalk. When we came in sight 
of the fort we saw a lot of horses on the plains, and wondered whether 
they belonged to enemies or friends. Carefully approaching I recognized 
^L dudish young buck who a few weeks before had helped us across the 
Flathead river, and at that time I had joked him as being a masher among 
the young squaws, winking at him with one eye, wmich seemed to tickle 
his fancy very much. When he saw me he came in front and made the 
most amusing and ridiculous attempt to wink one eye, imaginable. He was 
the most dudish young buck that I ever saw. We could talk a little Chin- 
ook jargon, and I impressed upon him the enormity of his offence in taking 
possession of the fort, as it appeared that they came to the fort and the 
keeper discovering them in season, shut and locked both gates, but while 
parleying with those at the front some young fellows went to the rear of 
the palisade and climbing over let the others in. They then compelled the 
keeper to get them some dinner, and were having things their own way 
when we appeared. There were ten Flatheads going to the Snake country 
on a horse stealing expedition. W r hile there they discovered my telescopic 
rifle which much excited their curiosity. One old fellow who had in some 


way become possessed of an old silk hat over which he had slipped a 
bottomless tin pail which he kept highly polished, came up and examin- 
ing the rifle said "puff!" "puff!" to ascertain if it was a double barrelled 
gun. I shook my head and drew his attention to the telescope, and see- 
ing a man on horseback a long distance away I rested the gun on the cor- 
al fence and getting it in range let him look through the glass. Me soon 
caught the object, and shouting "Ugh!" drew his scalping knife and made 
motions as if he were scalping an enemy whose hair he held in his hand, 
intimating that it brought the object so near that he could grab it. Then 
every man in the party had to take a look through the wonderful glass. 
Old tin kettle offered me three horses for the eun. 

We have St. Louis papers saying that the Shreveport left that port 
April 19th, and nothing has been heard from her here, this 8th day of 
June. Plummer and Swift just returned from Benton report that all there 
have given up expectation of seeing boats, and the wagon trains have 
started for the mouth of the Milk river, three hundred miles below. 

June 20th, 1863, all the inmates of the fort assembled in the best room 
to witness the marriage by Father Minatre of the St. Peter's mission, of 
Miss Electa Bryan to Mr. Henry Plummer. The pretty bride was neatly 
gowned in a brown calico dress, and was modest and unassuming in ap- 
pearance. The dapper groom wore a blue business suit, neatly foxed 
with buckskin wherever needed, a checked cotton shirt and blue necktie. 
The best man was the tall and graceful Joseph Swift, Jr., who wore sheep's 
gray pants foxed and patched with buckskin, a pretty red and white sash 
and a grey flannel shirt, and was under the necessity of wearing mocca- 
sins both of which were made for one foot. Being a leader in Blackfoot 
fashions he wore no coat. Want of more modest and better material is 
presumably the reason that the Reverend father suggested that I act as 
a substitute for bride's maid, but I meekly obeyed his order, and my mole- 
skin trousers, neatly foxed in places which came to wear, a black cloth 
coat and vest and buffalo skin shoes made up my wedding gear. The 
ceremony was long and formal. Immediately after the wedding breakfast, 
of buffalo hump and bread made of corn meal ground in a hand mill, the 
happy couple left in the government ambulance drawn by four wild In- 
dian ponies, for Banack city, the new metropolis. The poor sister, Mrs. 


Vail, was almost heartbroken. Leaving the antecedent and subsequent 

career of Mr. Plummer for after-consideration, we continue our relation 
of events. Hardly had the wedding ceremony been concluded, when 
Bulls Horn, messenger from Benton, arrived with intelligence that the 
Shreveport would probably reach Benton the next day. Mr. Wail imme- 
diately started for Benton, intending to ride through the night, it t>e- 
ing cooler and the danger from Indians being lessened. Repoit came to 
us that all the horses at St. Peter's mission had been stolen, and we 
suspect that three half breeds who camped at the farm the night before 
are the thieves. Some travellers report the finding of clothing and papers 
on the Little Prickly Pear trail, which would indicate a murder or other 
tragedy. Two letters were dated at Wasiago, Dodge County, Wis., one 
Feb. 5 and the other Dec. 25, i860, addressed to John Little, and signed 
by Mary Harding. The writer was attending school at Wasiago. Upcn 
Mr. Vail's return from Benton he reported that the Shreveport had reached 
a point about two hundred miles below Benton, (Cow Island) and had 
unloaded her freight on the river bank, and returned to St. Louis. The 
Missouri showed the effect of there being no rain in the country since 
September of the previous year. Nick Wall who had come from St. 
Louis by way of Salt Lake, arrived on his way to Benton, and in- 
formed me that he had left several letters for me at Bannack city. Mr. 
Wheeler returned from Benton and took his way to Salt Lake on his 
journey to St. Louis overland, being discouraged by reports of Indian at- 
rocities from descending the Missouri by Mackinaw boat. The passen- 
gers put on shore by the Shreveport were coming into Benton on foot, 
many used up by their experiences. Provisions were very scarce at Ben- 
ton, and none could be supplied until the teams came in from Cow Island. 
July 3rd, the first of the Shreveport tenderfeet, reached the farm and were 
loud in curses for the captain of that boat. I am very busy in the con- 
struction of what Mr. Vail calls a "go-devil." I found at the fort a pair 
of wheels to which I fitted an axle, and upon the thills attached thereto, 
I erected a frame upon which I stretched two rawhide thorough-braces 
like those of a chaise. On these I fastened a dry goods box to which I 
built a seat and a dasher, all the joints being tightly laced with buffalo 
rawhide which when dry made them very strong indeed. I cannot con- 


scientiously say that the vehicle was handsome, but it was most useful. 
It saved the trouble and expense of a pack horse,, and was much easier 
than riding- a horse. When finished Mr. Vail drove my horse "Colonel" 
in it, sixty miles to Fort Benton, stopped there twelve hours and returned 
the third day. 

July 4th Mr. Vail and I got out the fort cannon and fired a national 
salute, but we had no fire-works. All expectation of the arrival of the 
Indian agent having been given up, and Mr. Vail having no funds to pay 
Mr. Swift for his year's services, they agree that he shall take from the 
farm stock at an appraisal for, the amount due to him. It seemed neces- 
sary that I should go to Bannack for my letters and find out whether I 
had a stock of goods on the Shreveport or not. Mr. Swift entered my 
employ, and just as we were to start for Bannack with the intention of 
driving his cattle with us, the expressman from there came in on his way 
to Benton, and informed me that he left all my letters at the new mines 
on the Stinking water. July 17th we got off. I driving Colonel in my 
"go-devil" with a spare horse hitched behind, and Swift riding a horse and 
driving six oxen. The first night out we made camp on the Dearborn, 
and as he sat with his back against a tree on one side and I on the other 
both engaged in writing up our diaries, it may have struck some stray 
Blackfoot as a literary institution. At Deer Lodge, Swift was enabled 
to turn his stock into money and at Johnny Grant's I found a number of 
letters including one from my brother in St. Louis, informing me that he 
had sent me six tons of goods by the Shreveport. We continued on our 
way to Bannack to find a location for business there, or at the newly dis- 
covered mines. At Cariboo's we camped and fed on beaver tail, and with 
that delicacy and some bread for food we rode the next day to Fred 
Burr's camp on the Big Hole river, I having crossed the main range for 
the tenth time. The next day we reached Bannack, and found letters con- 
taining bills of lading for goods, key to safe, etc., and within two hours 
were on our way to the new mines on Alder gulch. Having camped on 
the Rattlesnake, and at Beaverhead rock, we rode into the new mines 
the third day, where we found about two thousand people in three em- 
bryo towns. Retaining one horse we exchanged the most of our earthly 
possessions for three yoke of cattle and a wagon, and boldly struck out 



for Milk river for our goods, by way over which no wagon had ever been 
taken, keeping on the east side of the mountains all the way to Benton. 
From the bridge over the Stinking water we followed down the river and 
fording the Jefferson struck up a creek which I soon recognized as one 
we had prospected upon, when we discovered the Boulder mines. At the 
head of this creek we ran our wagon up into a canyon so narrow that we 
were forced to unyoke our cattle and drive them out by the side of the 
wagon, and then draw it out backward. I finally found a very steep hill 
over which we took our wagon, but had to attach two pairs of cattle be- 
hind the wagon to hold it back as we descended it on the other side. We 
were glad enough to make camp when following down a little stream we 
came out on a rich bottom, up which we had followed when we made our 
discovery the fall before. At the crossing of this stream we met four 
men from the steamer bound for Alder gulch. Our trail led us to the top 
of a divide which we crossed and soon following down on the little creek, 
ran into a nest of beaver dams. The sides of the mountain were so steep that 
we saw no way of taking a wagon along them, and the bottom land was 
overflowed by reason of the succession of dams made by the beaver. Fin- 
ally we were compelled to cut a long pole and fastening it across the 
wagon, one of us holding on the end of it, kept the wagon from .over- 
turning, while the other drove the patient oxen. A hard day's work- 
brought us to Prickley Pear creek. In the morning we found the camp 
of some miners whom we knew, with whom we stopped three days. The 
ooys were meeting with very good success with their sluicing. Late in 
ihe evening after leaving our friends we came to Silver creek and the Mul- 
lan road. In the night, Warren Witcher came into our camp and the 
next day he and I pushed on with his mule team, toward Benton. We 
hear that some of the teams have reached Benton with goods. Camping 
at Bird Tail rock we reached the farm where I was warmly welcomed by 
the Vails. I was glad to-be where I could feel at home, for I was com- 
pletely used up. The next day Swift came in with our team, and pushed 
on for Benton. Although unfit for the effort, I started for Benton, all 
alone, sleeping on the bank of the Missouri at the mouth of Big Coulee. 
The next morning I rode into Benton, but there was not a spear of grass 
within miles of the camp, the country being so dry. I paid at the rate 



Of eight dollars a bushel for corn to feed my ponv, and the poor suffer- 
ing beast did not know enough to eat it. Provisions had become very 
scarce both here and at the farm, because of the drought and the failure 
of the boat in reaching Benton. Mr. Vail and I had, since Iron was 
murdered, been able to furnish all the meat needed, but we had no flour 
and for weeks were compelled to depend upon what corn meal we could 
grind out in a hand mill; coarse, but wholesome food. All the cows had 
gone dry for want of food, and our coffee without milk or sugar was not 
like nectar, and butter was but a sweet remembrance. 

" 'Tis an art that needs practice, of that there's no doubt, 
But 'tis worth it— this fine art. of doing without." 
The next day Swift started his team toward Cow Island, and I, toward 
Bannack city, alone. Was at the farm August 22nd, and taking my "Go- 
devil" from there, was at Dearborn the 23rd, Morgan's ranch the 24th, 
Little Blackfoot the 25th, having crossed the Rockies the eleventh time, 
and at ''Yankee's" cabin in Deer Lodge the 26th, having been entirely 
alone on the trip. 

From the door of the cabin I shot enough grouse for my needs, and 
leaving a note of thanks for the proprietor, who was absent. I drove to 
the Cottonwood "Store" to obtain supplies. The storekeeper asked where 
I was going, and I replied to Bannack. He says, "Alone?" "Yes." "I 
wouldn't do it, it's not safe." "Well, I have to go, should like company, 
but must go, alone if necessary^ He then informed me that there was 
quite a party in camp a mile or so below, who were waiting to find a guide 
to take them to Bannack. He said that they seemed to be nice fellows and 
were from Lewiston, or some place on the west side. I drove down to 
their camp and told them I was going to Bannack and would like com- 
pany, as the Indians were very ugly on the route. One Dr. Howard 
-^er>«~d i<> b^ the spokesman, and informed me that one of their men had 
a lame back and could not ride. I offered to exchange with the party and 
let him ride in my "go-devil" and I would ride his horse. They, after a 
short conference fell in with my proposition, and they invited me to stay 
with them until the next morning and then make a start, which I was glad 
to do. The party seemed well organized, and consisted of twelve men. 
They had a good cook called "Red," and I was not permitted to even take 


care of my horse, but was their guest. Dr. Howard claimed to be a Yale 
man, and he and James Romaine seemed to be educated men of agreeable 
manners. On the fourth day we came after dark to a ranch just out of 
Bannack, and took up our lodgings in a haystack. 

As I walked into town in the morning, almost the first person that I 
met was Henry Plummer, the sheriff of the mining region. I told him that 
I came in with a party, some of whom were old friends of his and spoke 
very highly of him. He asked their names and when I told him, he seemed 
surprised, and finally said, "Thompson, those men are cut throats and 
robbers! Hell will be to pay now! You need not associate with them 
any more than you choose." I was thunder-struck, but afterward won- 
dered how he knew so much about these people. In the mean time Mr. 
and Mrs. Vail had abandoned the government farm and removed to Ban- 
nack city, and the Plummers were boarding with them. I was invited 
to remain with them also, and gladly accepted their terms. I find this 
entry in my diary. "Sept. 2nd, 1863, Mrs. Plummer left by overland stage 
for the States." This was the last time I ever saw her. 

My faithful young helper, Joseph Swift, went down to Milk river 20 where 
he met William Vantelberg whom Carroll & Steell had contracted with to 
deliver my goods in Bannack, for which I was to pay him ten cents per 
pound. On his way back to Bannack Mr. Swift had his horse stolen by 
Indians, which he never recovered. He sold out our team for fifty-five 
dollars more than it cost us. Mr. Swift remained with the train which 
did not arrive at Bannack until November 9th. The cost of the goods in 
St. Louis was $4,012.43 and Mr. Vantelberg's freight bill amounted to 
$4,762.32 and I had yet to fight out with the Shreveport its charges for 
transportation, and my bill for damages for abandoning my goods upon 
the bank of the Missouri, several hundred miles below Fort Benton where 
they had contracted to deliver them. 

The report of the discovery by William Fairweather and his com- 
panions in the spring of 1863, at Alder gulch, of the rich placer mines, 
spread through the country like wildfire. It brought into this vicinity 
thousands of adventurers, and hundreds of gamblers, cut-throats, and rob- 
bers followed in their wake. The most desperate and reckless men from 
all the old mining camps rushed to this new Eldorado. "Holdups" of 


travellers on horseback and in public and private conveyances, became of 
daily occurrence. Every mining camp supported its saloon and gambling 
hell, and fracases and shooting matches in them were of common occur- 
ence. Almost a reign of terror existed. On the 17th of September there 
arrived at Bannack, Sidney Edgerton with his wife and several children, 
and his nephew Wilbur F. Sanders with his wife and two boys. Mr. 
Edgerton, has been appointed by Abraham Lincoln chief Justice of the 
new territory of Idaho. Coming on their long and weary journey across 
the plains, to the crossing of Snake river, they had been directed to East 
Bannack instead of the town of the name of Bannack on the west side 
of the Rocky mountains, which was then the capitol of Idaho. Idaho had 
recently been erected from Washington territory and then included the 
Beaverhead country. Communication over the mountains was thought 
almost impossible during the winter months, and the new comers were 
compelled to remain at East Bannack. The prominence of these two men 
in the affairs of this region will develop as the story proceeds. 

Will the reader now go back with me to the time of my arrival at the 
government farm on my return from the Pacific coast? The train men 
whom I overtook on the road told me of there being at Bannack a young 
desperado named Henry Plummer. I was told that he had killed a man 
in San Francisco and had escaped from the California state prison, and 
had run such a pace at Lewiston and Oro Fino, that he and Jack Cleve- 
land had fled and crossed the mountains late in the fall, with the intention 
of going down the Missouri in a Mackinaw boat. Upon reaching Benton 
the fear of Indians was so great that they could rind no person willing 
to undertake to run the river. Just at this time, Mr. Vail at the govern- 
ment farm feared an attack by Indians, and went to Fort Benton to find 
help to protect his family. Plummer and Cleveland were engaged to re- 
turn to the farm for the winter Here Plummer first met Electa Bryan, 
the young sister of Mrs. Vail, a pure and beautiful young woman. Mr. 
Plummer was a good looking young man of twenty-seven, polite, and ot 
good address, and the unsophisticated young lady, isolated in a palisaded 
log house with no companion of her own sex .excepting her married sis- 
ter, was easily led by the pleasing manners and quiet assurances of Mr. 
Plummer to believe that he was the victim of circumstances which for 

(To be Continued) 




Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Lexington Alarm Regiment, April 19, ITW 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 28th Regiment, Army United Colonies, 

July-Decembee, 1TT5. 

By Frank A. Gardner, M. D. 

CAPTAIN JONATHAN BURTON of Wilton, N. H., was born in 
Middleton, Mass., September 18, 1741, according to the New Hampshire 
Revolutionary Rolls, Volume 1, Page 67, although the record of his birth 
does not appear in the Middleton Vital Records. April 2, 1759 at the age 
of eighteen he enlisted in Colonel Ichabod Plaisted's Regiment. In this 
record the statement was made that he was the son of John Burton and 
that he resided in Danvers. He may have been the man of the same name 
who was a private later in 1759 m Captain Andrew Gidding's Company, 
Colonel Jonathan Bagney's Regiment, who served from January 1, 1760, 
to January 12, 1761, under the same officers. He marched in response 
to the Lexington Alarm of April 19, 1775, as Captain of the 4th Company 
in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. December 8, 1775 ne was 
Sergeant in Captain' Taylor's Militia Company of Amherst, New Hamp- 
shire. He kept a diary from the above to January 26, 1776 while in the 
army about Boston. July 15, 1776, at the age of thirty-five, residence 
Wilton, New Hampshire, he received £10:16:00 bounty money as advance 
pay for an expedition to Canada. This company was in Colonel Isaac 
Wyman's Regiment. He kept another diary from August 1st to November 
29, 1776, while in the above service. Both of the diaries have been pub- 
lished in the appendix to Volume 1, New Hampshire Revolutionary Rolls. 
In August, 1778, he served as Ensign in Captain Benjamin Mann's Com- 
pany, Colonel Nichols's Regiment, in an expedition to Rhode Island. A 



summary of his service given in Volume 3, Page 8&z, New Hampshire 
Revolutionary Rolls, credits him with two months' service at Winter Hill 
in 1775, five months at Ticonderoga in 1776 and three months at Rhode 
Island in 1780. June 19, 1786, he was appointed Captain by Prest. John 
Sullivan (of the State of New Hampshire) and Brigade Major, August 
5» 1793, b y Governor Bartlett. He was a member of the Board of Select- 
men of Wilton for sixteen years. He died there August 2, 181 1, in his 
seventieth year. 

CAPTAIN JOSIAH CROSBY, son of Josiah and Elizabeth (French) 
Crosby, was born in Billerica, November 24, 1730. From October 27th 
to December 4th, 1748, he was a centinel in Captain Josiah Willard's 
Company, and was reported later as dismissed. He settled in Monson 
(afterward Amherst, now Milford, N. H.) in 1753. He was Captain of a 
Company in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment which responded 
to the Lexington Alarm. April 19, 1775. From the 23rd of May to the 
end of the year 1775, he was Captain in the 3rd New Hampshire Regiment. 
He commanded a company of Amherst (New Hampshire) men in the 
Battle of Bunker Hill. He died Oct. 15, 1793. 

CAPTAIN GEORGE GOULD of Dedham, commanded an independ- 
ant company of Minute Men which marched from Dedham on the Lex- 
ington Alarm of April 19, 1775. May 15, 1775, he was engaged as Captain 
in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and served through the year. 
June II, 1776 he was engaged as Captain in Colonel William Mcintosh's 
First Suffolk Regiment. June 12, 1778, he was chosen by ballot by the 
House of Representatives, Second Major of the First Suffolk Regiment, 
and April 1, 1780, commissioned First Major on the same regiment under 
command of Colonel Mcintosh. 

CAPTAIN "HALL" is mentioned in a return dated July 24, 1775, 
with a note opposite, "full but not yet arrived. " No further reference to 
a Captain Hall in connection with this regiment has been found. 


CAPTAIN MOSES HART of Lynn, son of Aaron and Tabitha (Col- 
lins) Hart, was born February 15, 1727. He enlisted April 5, 1758, in 
Captain Samuel Glover's Company, Colonel Joseph Williams's Regiment 
Later in the same year he was Sergeant in the same company and Regi- 
ment. His place of residence was Lynn. From June 2nd to December 14, 
1759 he was Lieutenant in Captain Cary's Company in an expedition 
against Canada. From February 14, to December 8, 1760, he served as 
Captain, and again during the seasons of 1761 and 1762. April 24, 1775, 
he was engaged as Captain in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent* Regiment 
and he served until September 5th. The following record explains itself: 

"Headquarters, Cambridge, Sept. 5, 1775. 
The General Court Martial whereof Col. Experience Storrs was president 
is dissolved. 
Capt. Moses Hart of the 28th (Col. Sargent's) tried by the above men- 
tioned Court Martial is found guilty of 'drawing for more provisions than 
he was entitled to, and for unjustly confining and abusing his men.' He 
is unanimously sentenced to be cashiered. The General approves the 
sentence and orders it to take place immediatly.' , Nothing further is 
heard of him and Mr. Sanderson in his "Lynn in the Revolution" states 
it is not improbable that he left Lynn after the above event. 

CAPTAIN JAMES KEITH of Easton, served as Ensign in Captain 
Isaac Otis's (7th Bridgewater) Company, Colonel Thomas Clapp's Regi- 
ment in 1762 and in August, 1771, was Lietuenant in Captain Joseph Gan- 
nett, Jr.'s (7th Bridgewater) Company, in Colonel Josiah Edson's Regi- 
ment, the "Western Division of the late Second Battalion of the Second 
Regiment of the said County." July 7, 1775 he enlisted as Captain in Paul 
Dudley Sargent's 28th Regiment, Army of the United Colonies, and served 
through the year. During 1776 he was Captain in Colonel Paul Dudley 
Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. January 1, 1777, he became 
Captain in Colonel Michael Jackson's 8th Massachusetts Regiment, and 
on August 12, 1779, was promoted to the rank of Major. He retired Jan- 
nary I, 1783, and died May 14, 1829. 

CAPTAIN BENJAMIN MAN of Mason, N. H., was the son of James 
and Mary (Simonds) Man. He was born in Lexington, Mass., October 
23, 1739. His parents removed to Woburn, and from March 7th to No- 
vember 29, 1760, he was a private in Captain John Clapham's Company. 


He responded to the Lexington Alarm call of April 19, 1775, as Captain 
of a Company in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. In the New 
Hampshire Revolutionary Rolls, Volume I, Page 100, it is stated that on 
April 23, 1775, he entered service as Captain in Colonel James Reed's 
New Hampshire Regiment. He commanded a company in that Regiment 
at the Battle of Bunker Hill and continued to serve through the year. 
During 17716 he was a Captain in Colonel John Bailey's 23d Regiment, 
Continental Army. In the History of Mason, N. H., to which town he 
had removed about 1771, it is stated that he was also with the army in 
Rhode Island. He built a house in the center of the village of Mason, 
which was owned in 1858 by Asher Peabody, and kept a tavern. He 
planted the noble elm trees on the common. He was the first Justice of 
Peace appointed in the town, and was for twelve years moderator of the 
Town Meeting. About 1800 he sold his estate in Mason and removed 
to Keene and went from that place to Troy, N. Y., where he resided with 
his daughter. He died there, December 7, 1831. 

CAPTAIN MONKS is mntioned in a return of Colonel Paul Dudley 
Sargent's Regiment, July 24, 1775, with the note "full but not yet ar- 
rived." No further mention of such a man has been found. 

CAPTAIN JAMES PERRY of Easton may have been the man ot that 
name who, as a minor, and a resident of Billerica, served from May 5th 
to December 21, 1761 as a private in Captain Thomas Farrington's Com- 
pany, and in Captain William Barron's Company, residence Billeric, from 
May 30, to January 10, 1762. John Day was called his master. He 
marched on the Lexington Alarm of April 19, 1775, as Captain of an in- 
dependant company from Easton, Mass. July 1, 1775 he was engaged as 
Captain in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 28th Regiment, Army United 
Colonies, and served through the year. During 1776 he was Captain in 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. 

CAPTAIN FREDERICK POPE of Stonghton was the eldest son of 
Ralph and Rebecca (Stubbs) Pope. He was born in Stoughton, May 15, 
1733. In 1757 he served in Major Benjamin Fenno's Troop of Horse, Col- 
onel Miller's Regiment. From March 15th to May 10th, 1760. he served in 
an expedition to Canada. He marched on the Lexington Alarm of April 
19, 1775 as a private in Captain Peter Talbot's Company, Colonel Lemuel 
Robinson's Regiment. June 23, 1775 he was engaged as Captain in Col- 
onel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and served through the year. Dur- 
• ing 1776 he was Captain of a Company in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
16th Regiment, Continental Army. It is stated in the History of the 
Pope Family that he was a representative to the General Court in 1787, 8 
9. 1791, 2 and 6. He died August 20, 1812. 


CAPTAIN JOHN PORTER of Bridgewater, was the son of Reverend 
John and Mary (Hunting-ton) Porter. He was born in Bridgewater, Feb- 
ruary 27, 1752, and was fitted for college at Lebanon, Conn. He gradu- 
ated from Yale College 1770, after which he studied divinity, and preached 
for a short time. June 29, 1775, he was engaged as Captain in Colonel 
Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and served through the year. February 
2, 1776 he was commissioned Captain of a company of militia which joined 
the army as a temporary reinforcement under Major James Wesson. Sep- 
tember 12, 1776, he was made paymaster in Colonel Jonathan Ward's 21st 
Regiment in the Continental Army. January 1, 1777, he became Captain 
in Colonel Edward Wigglesworth's 13th Regiment, Massachusetts Line. 
May 30, T777. he was promoted to the rank of Major, and January 1, 17S1 
he was transferred to the 6th Regiment, Massachusetts Line. He retired 
January 1, 1781. After leaving the Army he went to the West Indies and 
died there. 

probably the son of Jesse Saunders, who at the age of twenty served as 
a private in Captain Moses Hart's Company, Colonel William Brattle's 
Regiment from March 20th to December 8th, 1760. This same man had 
served during the previous year on an expedition to Crown Point in Cap- 
tain Oliver Barron's Company. May 4. 1775. he was engaged as Captain 
in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment and served at least eighty-nine 
days as shown in the muster roll dated August 1, 1775. The following 
order, dared Auguts 9, 1775, explains itself: 

"Captain Jesse Saunders of Col. Sergeant's Regiment, tried by the 
late General Court-Martial for 'frequenty drawing more provisions than 
he had men in his Company to consume ; for forcing the sentry, and taking 
away a gun, the property of William Turner, and threatening the life of 
Sergeant Connor, cocking and presenting his gun at him when in the 
execution of his duty.' The Court are unanimously of the opinion that 
the prisoner is guilty of the whole of the charges exhibited against him, and 
unanimously adjudged that he be forthwith cashiered. The General ap- 
proves the above sentences and orders them to be put in immediate execu- 

CAPTAIN WILLIAM SCOTT of Peterborough, N. H., was the son 
of Alexander and Margaret Scott. Lie was born in 1742. On the Lex- 
ington Alarm of April 19, 1775, he commanded a company from the above 
town. When the Provincial Army was formed his company became 
a part of Colonel James Reed's New Hampshire Regiment. This regiment 
was placed, by order of General Folsom, under the command of General 
Ward, June 2, 1775, and in the battle of Bunker Hill the regiment marched 


over Bunker Hill and took position near Colonel Stark at the rail fence. 
Captain Scott was wounded while fighting at this point during the battle. 
We learn from the New Hampshire Revolutionary Rolls that from July 
1st to 7th, 1775, his company was in General Stark's Regiment. On the 
7th of July, 1775, it was attached to Colonel Sargent's Regiment, Army of 
the United Colonies and served in that organization through the rest of 
the year. January 1, 1776 he became Captain of Colonel Paul Dudley Sar- 
gent's 1 6th Regiment, Continental Army, and served through that year. 
January 1, 1777, he became Captain in Colonel John Stark's 1st Regiment, 
New Hampshire Line. He was wounded in the Battle of Stillwater, Sep- 
tember 19, 1777, and was promoted to the rank of Major on the following 
day. He continued to serve with this regiment until retired, January 1, 
1781. In the last named year he entered the naval service on board 
the Frigate "Dane" and served on that and other ships until the end 
of the war. He appears to have been a man of noble character. He died 
in Litchfield, N. Y., September 19, 1796, aged 54 years. 

CAPTAIN LEVI SPAULDING of Lyndeboro, N. H., was the son of 
Edward and Elizabeth Spaulding. He was born in Nottingham West 
(now Hudson) N. H. He was selectman in 1768 and 1774. He was ap- 
pointed an agent to go to Philadelphia and join the Congress. He was 
commander of the Second Company in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
Regiment which responded to the Lexington Alarm call. April 19, 1775. 
May 23, 1775, according to the "Historic Register of the Officers of the 
Continental Army," he became Captain in Colonel James Reed's New 
Hampshire Regiment and served with that regiment in the Battle of 
Bunker Hill. In this battle he lost "1 shurt. 2 pair stockings, 1 Bridies" 
and five members of his company lost their guns. He placed the value 
of his articles lost in the battle at £1 '.12:11. During 1776 he was Captain 
in Colonel James Reed's Second New Hampshire Regiment in the Con- 
tinental Army. He served at the Battle of Trenton, and at Valley Forge 
and Yorktown. He drew a captain's pension until his death which oc- 
curred March 1, 1835. 

CAPTAIN JEREMIAH STILES of Keene, N. H., was the son of 
Jacob and Sarah (Hartwell) Stiles. He was born in Lunenberg, Mass., 
February 23, 1744. In 1760, at the age of sixteen he enlisted in Captain 
Moses Chile's (Child's) Company, Colonel Oliver Wilder's Regiment. He 
was a member of a company of foot in Keene in 1773. April 21, 1775 he 
was engaged as Captain in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment and 
served through the year, being in command of a company at the Battle 
of Bunker Hill While this date, April 21, 1775, is given in the record 
in the Massachusetts Archives, the name of Captain Stiles does not appear 



in the list ot companies made up by Adjutant Stephen Pcabody, April 23, 
WS- (See beginning of this article.) He served as a member of the 
Committee of Safety in December, 1776, and was Justice of Peace in 1777. 
April 27, 177S he served as delegate to the Convention in Concord, X. II. 
From 1786 to 1791 he was town clerk, and he served as first grand jury- 
man from Keene, N. H. He died December 6, 1800, aged fifty six. "A 
large concourse of fellow citizens attended his funeral," according to the 
Stiles Genealogy. 

CAPTAIN JOHN WILEY of Providence, R. L, was the son of John 
and Susanna (Aldrich) Wiley of Oxford, Mass. He was born September 
20, 1734. April 20, 1756, he was a member of Colonel John Chandler, 
Junior's Regiment for service in the Crown Point expedition. In 1757 
he was a private in Captain Poor's Company, Colonel Nicols's Regiment. 
Regiment which marched for the relief of Fort William Henry. In 1758 
he was a private in Captain Poor's Company. Colonel Nickoll's Regiment. 
From June 30th to December 2, 1760 he was a sergeant in Captain Cow- 
den's Company. He removed to Grafton, R. I. May 7, 1775 he was en- 
gaged as a lieutenant in Captain Jesse Saunders's Company, Colonel Paul 
Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and in a company return dated probably Oc- 
tober, 1775 he was Captain in the same regiment. January 1, 1777, he 
became captain in Colonel Michael Jackson's 8th Massachusetts Regiment. 
December 15, 1779 he was appointed Major in Colonel Gamaliel Bradford's 
14th Massachusetts Regiment. His name appears in a list of commis- 
sioned officers at the Huts, near West Point, from October to December, 
1780. He retired January 1, 1781. 

CAPTAIN JOHN NORWOOD of Colrain was engaged April 24, 1775 
Captain in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment and served through 
the year. 

April 24, 1775 to serve in Captain John Wood's Company, Colonel Paul 
Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and he served through the year. During 
1776 he held the same rank in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regi- 
ment, Continental Army. 

listed July 9, 1775. He served in that rank in Captain James Keith'- Com- 
pany, Paul Dudley Sargent's 28th Regiment, Army of the United Colonies. 
During 1776 he was First Lieutenant in Captain James Perry's Company, 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. In 
February, 1777, he became Captain in Colonel Lee's additional Regiment, 
Continental Army. He resigned in November, 1778. 


• LIEUTENANT ISAAC FULLER of Easton, was a corporal in Cap- 
tain Macy Williams's Company of Minute Men, which marched on the 
Lexington Alarm, April 19, 1775. June 29, 1775, he was engaged as Lieu- 
tenant in Captain John Porter's Corpany, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
Regiment, and he served probably through the year. During [776 he was 
First Lieutenant in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment, Con- 
tinental Army. 

LIEUTENANT LEMUEL HOLMES of Walpole, enlisted May 21, 
1775, as Lieutenant in Captain Jeremiah Stiles's Company and served in 
Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment at least until August 1, 1775, 
and probably through the year. January 1, 1776, he became First Lieu- 
tenant in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment. Continental 
Army, and on October 15th of that year was promoted Captain. On the 
16th of November, 1776, he was taken prisoner at Fort Washington, los- 
ing, according to the statement made in the New Hampshire Revolution- 
ary Rolls, property valued at £20:08:00. He was exchanged November 
8, 1778 He lived both in Keene and Surry, New Hampshire and was 
Proprietor's Clerk for many years and one of the most prominent men of 
his locality. He was on the Committee of the Walpole Convention con- 
cerning the Vermont troubles and represented Gilsum. with Surry and Sul- 
livan six years in the New Hampshire legislature. He was also Justice of 
Peace and Judge of the County Court. In the History of Gilsum it is 
stated that "his farm was at the foot of Bald Hill and was still known 
as the 'Holmes Place' in recent years." In 1790 he was a resident of 

been the man of that name who served a? Lieutenant in Captain Eliphalet 
"Horn's" Company ("Princetown" District) Colonel John Murray'.- 3rd 
Worcester Regiment in October, 1761. His name appears as First Lieu- 
tenant in a company return of Captain John Wood's Company, Colonel 
Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment (probably October, 1775) ; and reported 
discharged. The only man of this name appearing in the first census of 
the United States in 1790, was at that time a resident of Boston. 

N. H.) was the son of Samuel Nichols who came to America from Antrim. 
Ireland, in 1754. Thomas was one of four brothers all of whom served in 
the American Revolution. He was an infant when he came to America 
and in 1767 ran away from his master in Newburyport and went to An- 
trim, N. H. July 1, 1775 he was engaged as Lieutenant in Captain James 
Perry'* Company. Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. In rite 


"Army and Navy of the United States," Vol. 2, Page 7, his name appears 
as Lieutenant in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment. Continen- 
tal Army in 1776, but the author found no further record of that service. 
According to the New Hampshire Revolutionary Rolls he had a company 
of Rangers at Coos which was raised in February and discharged in April 
of that year. In the History of Antrim it is stated that "he was a man 
of much life and energy." He moved to New York State in the Fall of 
1808, settling in Cattaraugus. He died in 181 1 at the age ot 07. 

Senior, (not Major William) and Margaret (Gregg) Scott. He was born in 
Peterboro, N. H., January 8, 1756. On the Lexington Alarm of April 19, 
1775 he marched as Lieutenant in Captain William Scott's Company of 
Minute Men. Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and three days 
later was engaged to join Colonel Sargent's Regiment. He was on the 
roll, but he was taken prisoner June 17, 1775, at the Battle of Bunker Hill. 
In 1776 he was First Lieutenant in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 16th 
Regimen 1 -, Continental Army. January 1, 1777, he became Captain in 
Colonel Henley's Additional Continental Regiment, and April 27, 1779, 
was transferred to Colonel Jackson's Regiment. He retired January 1, 
1781. After the war he settled on the homestead. He lost the use of his 
lower limbs and was a cripple for about thirty years before his death. 

LIEUTENANT CHARLES SMITH. This name appears in' Her- 
man's "Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental Army" cred- 
iting- him with this rank in this regiment from May, i775> unt ^ m5 de- 
sertion in July of that year, but the author can find no allusion to him 
in the Massachusetts or New Hampshire Archives. 

LIEUTENANT ELEAZER SNOW of Bridgewater was probably the 
man of that name who was born in 1734. the son of Eleazer and Mary 
(King) Snow. June 25, 1775, he was engaged as Lieutenant in Captain 
Frederick Pope's Company, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. 
July 6, 1777, he enlisted as Lieutenant in Captain Joseph Cole's Company, 
Colonel Robinson's Regiment for service in New England States and un- 
til January 1, 1778. In July. 1780, he marched as Lieutenant (service 
II days) in Captain David Packard's Company, Colonel Eliphalet Cary's 
3rd Plymouth County Regiment. He died February 1, 1797, aged sixty- 
four years. 

private in Captain Joseph Guild's (Dedham) Company of Minute Men, 
Colonel John Greaton's Regiment on the Lexington Alarm of April 19, 


1775. May 16, 1775, ne was engaged as Lieutenant in Captain George 
Gould's Company, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. After serv- 
ing one month and eight days in this organization he became First Lieu- 
tenant in Captain Thomas Pierce's Company, Colonel Richard Gridley's 
Artillery Regiment, and he served in that Regiment through the year. 
According to a disposition sworn to December 14, 1839, by Joseph Stow, 
'son of this officer, Timothy Stow became Lieutenant in Captain Stephen 
Badlam's Company, Colonel Henry Knox's Artillery Regiment in the 
neighborhood of Boston from January 1. 1776 to sometime in April. 1776, 
when he was discharged on account of sickness. In the summer of 1776 
he became a Captain in Colonel Ephraim Wheelock's 4th Suffolk Regi- 
ment which marched to Fort Ticonderoga. In a pay abstract for mileage 
allowed dated January 15, 1777, he was allowed mileage for 290 miles, 
and wages for fourteen and one half days on a march from Skenesborough 
to Dedham, via Albany. He was probably the man of that name who 
served as a private in Captain Jotham Houghton's Company, Colonel Jo- 
siah Whitney's Regiment from July 31 to September 14, 1778, service in 
Rhode Island. He died in Dedham, January 18, 1832 of old age. 

listed July 25, 1775 to serve in that rank in Captain John -Wood's Com- 
pany, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. In a company return 
made probably in October, 1775, he was reported "on furlough." 

Equivalent, was the son of Ephraim and Abigail (Curtis) Cleaveland and 
was born in Dedham, August 6, 1738. As a resident of Dedham he en- 
listed May 2, 1758 as a private in Captain Eliphalet Fales's Company, 
Colonel Ebenezer Nichols's Regiment and served at Lake George until 
bis discharge October 18, 1758. He enlisted July 1, 1775, as Lieutenant 
in Captain George Gould's Company, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Reg- 
iment, and served at least until August 1st, and probably through the 
year. During 1776 he was First Lieutenant in Colonel Paul Dudley Sar- 
gent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. January 1, 1777. he became 
Captain in Colonel Michael Jackson's 9th Regiment, Massachusetts Line. 
He was deranged October 30. 1778. 

given Peterboro, N. H.) according to the New Hampshire Rolls was "one 
of the Stoddard men out fourteen days at the Lexington Alarm in 1J75-" 
He marched at that time as Ensign in Captain William Scott's Company 
of Minute Men, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. He served 
under the same commander through the year, and in a company return 


dated October 6, 1775, he was called Lieutenant. His name was crowed 
out on the return. In the ''Army and Navy of the United States/' Vol. 
2, Page 7, his name appears as an Ensign in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 
16th Regiment, Continental Army, 1776. 

the man of that name who was born in Woburn, January 7, 1740, the son 
of George and Mary (Wood) Reed. He was engaged April 24, 1775, as 
Second Lieutenant in Captain John Wood's Company, Colonel Paul Dud- 
ley Sargent's Regiment and served one month, nineteen days. He prob- 
ably was the man of that same name who served as a private in Captain 
Samuel Belknap's Company which marched on the Lexington Alarm. 
April 19, 1775. In a company return dated (probably October, 1 775 ; he 
was reported deceased. 

the son of William Thomas, Jr. He was born in Middleborough in 1742 
and from April 1st to November 24, 1758 he was a private in Captain 
Benjamin Pratt's Company. Colonel Thomas Doty's Regiment. He was 
Sergeant in Captain William Shaw's First Middleborough Company of 
Minute Men which marched in the Lexington Alarm of April 19. 1775- 
July 19, 1775 he was engaged as Ensign in Captain James Keith's Com- 
pany, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and in a Company re- 
turn dated (probably) October, 1775 he was called Lieutenant of the same 
company. January 1, 1776 he became Second Lieutenant in Colonel Paul 
Dudley Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army, and in June was pro- 
moted to the rank of First Lieutenant, serving through the year. He re- 
moved to Woodstock, Vermont about the year 17S7. 

ENSIGN MOODY AUSTIN of Litchfield held that rank in Captain 
Moses Hart's Company. The date of his enlistment is given in the Massa- 
chusetts Archives. Vol. 15, Page 34, as May 4, 1775- N ° further record 
of his services has been found. 

ENSIGN JOHN GRIGGS of Keene. N. H.. was engaged April 21, 
1775, as Ensign in Captain Jeremiah Stoddard's Company, Colonel Paul 
Dudley Sargent's Regiment, and served through the year. During 177 6 
he was Ensign in Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment, Continental 
Army. In January, 1777. Lieutenant Griggs of Keene was appointed 
Captain of the 3rd Company, Colonel Alexander Scammel's Third Regi- 
ment, New Hampshire Line. 


ENSIGN JOSIEL SMITH of Taunton served a.^ a private in Captain 

Joseph Hall's Company, according to a list dated April 6, 1757. He was 
engaged July 1, 1775 to serve in this rank in Captain James Perry's C< m- 
pany, Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 28th Regiment. Army of the United 
Colonies, and served through the year. Captain James Perry, the com- 
mander of the company, in certifying to a pay roll of the company m 
up to August 12, 1775 states that "'said Josiel Smith and [cabod Pitts had 
taken places of Seth Owen and Solomon Briggfs who had failed to pass 
-muster, owing to sickness, and had served in his company until the last 
of December, 1775." Although their names were omitted from the roll; 
wages were allowed under the name of Seth Owen for one month, five 
days, from July 10, 1775. 

ENSIGN AARON STRATTON of Littleton was engaged May 15. 
l 775> to serve in that rank in Captain Jesse Saunders's Company. Colonel 
Paul Dudley Sargent's Regiment. He served probably through the year. 
January 1. 1776, he became Second Lieutenant in Colonel Paul Dudley 
Sargent's 16th Regiment, Continental Army. He was taken prisoner 
at Long Island, August 27, 1776. January 1, 1777 he became Lieutenant 
in Colonei Michael Jackson's 8th Regiment. Massachusetts Line, and he 
held that rank until about May, 1779, when he was promoted to the rank 
of Captain "although the service was not actually performed, owing to 
the fact that said Stratton had been captured prior to his appointment 
and had been held prisoner in New York during the whole time of his 
service." January 1, 1780, although still in captivity he was ranked as 
Captain in Colonel Michael Jackson's 8th Regiment, Massachusetts Line. 
By Act of Congress he was allowed the pay of a Lieutenant from Septem- 
ber I, 1776 to January 21, 178 1. 

ENSIGN ZACCHEUS THAYER of Braintree evidently served in the 
French War in 1759, but as two persons of this name have a record of 
service during that year, one the son of Thomas, and the other the son 
of Peter Thayer, it is impossible to tell which service belonged to ihe 
subject of this sketch. He was clerk of Captain Eliphalet Sawen's Com- 
pany of Minute Men, Colonel Benjamin Lincoln's Regiment, which 
marched on the Alarm of April 19, 1775. June 25. 1775, he was engaged to 
serve as Ensign in Captain Frank Pope's Company, Colonel Paul Dudley 
Sargent's Regiment. July 2, 1778 he was commissioned Lieutenant in 
Captain Isaac Morton's Company. Colonel Thomas Poor's Regiemnt. The 
pay roll for this service was dated at Fort Clinton. September. 1778. Dur- 
ing November and December, 1778. he was Lieutenant in Captain James 
Berry's Company, Colonei Thomas Poor's Regiment, the pay roll being 
dated King's Ferry. 


By Charles A. Flagg 

Ray, George, b. Great Barrington, 1819; 
set. O., 1832; Mich., 1855. Traverse, 

Raymond, Mary, m. Aaron Rood of 
Vt. and Mich. Genesee Port, 351. 

Read, Ainsworth, set. Mich., 1840? 
Clinton Past, 152. 

Titus R., b. Peru; set. N. Y., Mich. 

Berrien Port., 349; Cass Hist., 176. 

Reddington, Teresa, m. 1840 Addison 
Tracy of O. and Mich.; d. 1872. 
Grand Rapids City, 292. 

Redington, Nathaniel, set. O., 1825? 
Mich., 1844. Ionia Port., 221. 

Reed, Abigail, b. near Boston, 1784; m. 
1807 Elisha Cranson of N. Y. and 
Mich. Washtenaw Port., 419. 

Ainsworth. set. Mich., 1850? Clin- 
ton Past, 486. 

Amasa, set. 111., 1840? Washtenaw 

Port., 499- 

Bethuel, set. N. Y., 1840, Ind. 

Clinton Past, 374. 

Daniel W., b. Chesterfield; set. N. 

Y., 1845. Allegan Twent, .116. 

Isaac, set. Canada, 1820? Mecosta, 


— — Joseph B., b. 1807; set. Mich. 1836. 
Jackson Hist., 889. 

Lydia M., b. Wendell, 1794; m. 1814 

Obadiah Rogers of Mass. and Mich. 
Lenawee Hist. I, 168; II, 247. 

Martha A., of Yarmouth; m. 1835? 

James F. Joy of Mich. Detroit, 1062. 

William, b. near Boston, 1805; set. 

Mich., 1830? Ionia Hist., 190. 

Reese, Jacob, b. W. Stockbridge; set. 
N. Y. Berrien Port, 704. 

Remmele, Hannah, m. 1805? Linus 
Clarke of N. Y. Jackson Hist, 611. 

Reniff, Naomi, b. 1790; set. N. Y., 181 i; 
m. William Minor of O. Lenawee 
Hist, I, 421. 

Reynolds, Joshua, b. Berkshire Co., 

Revolutionary soldier; set. Vt., N. Y. 

Saginaw Port., 750. 
Rhea, Thomas A., b. Dartmouth, 1823; 

set. N. Y., Mich., 1868. Monroe, ap- 
pendix, 47. 
Rice, Abel, b. Worcester; set. Vt., 1759. 

Jackson Port., 726. 
Adonijah, b. Worcester; set. Vt; 

d. 1802. Jackson Port., 726. 
Clark, set. N. Y., Mich., 1840. 

Gratiot, 207. 
Elizabeth, b. Boston; m. 1850 Hen- 
ry C Lacy of Mich. Clinton Past, 

Erastus, b. Franklin Co., 181 1; set. 

O.. Mich. Branch Port., 199. 
Gershom, b. 1805; set. Mich., 1835. 

Mecosta, 322. 
Joseph, Jr., b. Conway, 17S0; set. 

N. Y.. 1802, Mich., 1845. Lenawee 

Port., 598. 
Lucy, m. 1800? Washington Moore 

of N. Y. Washtenaw Hist., 1432. 
Lucy, of Conway, m. 1806 William 

Moore of N. Y. and Mich. Wayne 

Chron., 253. 
M. H., b. Concord? set. Wis., Mich. 

1849. Northern P., 479- 
Nancy M., b. Brookfield, 182S; m. 

1851 Stanley G. Wight of Mich. 

Wayne Chron., 170. 
Paul, of Boston, set. Mich., 1840? 

Clinton Past, 124. 
Sarah, b. E. Sudbury, 1801; m. Cal- 
vin P. Frost of N. Y. and Mich. 

Jackson Port., 856. 
Serepta, m. J. L. Root of O. Hills- 
dale Port, 667. 



Rice, Sophia, b. Conway, 1809; m. 1827 

Chauncy M. Stebbins of Mich. Ionia 

Port., 312. 
William, set. 0., 1820? Genesee 

Port., 1049. 
Rich, Charles, b. 1771; set. Vt., 1785; 

member of Congress. Genesee Port., 

-Charles W., set Me., 1840? O. 1864, 

Osceola, 196. 
Estes, set. Mich., 1831. Calhoun, 

Thomas, of Warwick, set. Vt., 1785. 

Genesee Port., 215, 927. 
Richards, Daniel W.. b. Amherst, 1829; 

set. N. Y., Mich., 1844. Genesee Hist, 

352; Genesee Port, 927. 
James, set. O., 1850? Mich. Mecos- 
ta, 392. 
Lena of Springfield, m. 1872 James 

W. Caldwell of Mich. Detroit, 1398. 
Willard, set. N. Y., Mich., 1844- 

Genesee Port., 927. 
Willard, b. Framingham, 1806; set 

N. Y., Mich., 1854. Hillsdale Port, 

William, set. N. Y., Mich., 1844. 

Genesee Hist., 312. 
Richardson, b. Attleboro, May 13, 

1746; set. N. H. Kent 713. 

Ebenezer, set. N. Y., 1820? O. 1836. 

Newaygo, 298. 

Jared, set. N. Y., 1810? Jackson 

Hist, 1055. 

Lusanah, of Ctmimington; m. 1790? 

Obadiah Hamilton of Mass. and N. 
Y. Lenawee Hist. II, 237; Lenawee 
Port, 399. 

Thomas, set. Canada, 1840? Mid- 
land, 192. 

Richmond, Betsey, b. Dalton, 1798; m. 
William C Smith of N. Y. and Mich. 
Hillsdale Port., 877; Lenawee Hist. II, 

James, set N. Y., 1815? Canada. 

Kent, 1382. 

Jonathan, set. N. Y., 1810? member 

of Congress. Washtenaw Hist., 1035. 

Richmond, Rebecca, b. Dighton; m. 

1812? Daniel Foster of X. Y., O., and 

Mich. Hillsdale Port., 845. 
William, of Westport, set N. Y., 

1907. Grand River, appendix, 57. 
Riggs, Susan, b. 1820? m. Manford Fel- 

ton of Mich. Gratiot, 352. 
Riley, H. H., b. Great Barrington, 1813; 

set. Mich. 1842. St. Clair, 124. 
Ring, E. J., b. Hampden Co., 1S24; set 

O., 1857, Mich., 1865. Saginaw Hist, 

Ripley, Abner, b. Plymouth Co.; set N. 

Y. 1810? Saginaw Hist., 692. 
William K., set. Me., 1850? Sag- 
inaw Port., 529. 
Rising, Oliver, set. O., 1820? Kent. 713. 
Robbins, John, set. N. Y., 1830? Mich. 

Gratiot, 181. 
John A., b. Pittsfield; set N. Y., 

1825? Mich., 1855. Ionia Port., 198. 
Lucy, b. 1802; m. Samuel D. Ken- 

ney of Canada. Kalamazoo Port., 341. 
Milton B., set. Mich., 1836. Cass 

Hist, 267. 
Wendell Phillips, b. Barnstable Co., 

1851; set. Mich., 1869. Berrien Port, 

Roberts, Polly A., b. Berkshire Co., 

1821; m. 1845 Jesse B. Odell of Pa. 

and Mich. Lenawee Port., 601. 
Zenas, set. Pa., 1830? Lenawee 

Port, 601. 
Robie, Mary G., of Salem; m. 1837 

David L. Osborne of Mich. St. Clair, 

Robinson, Bartlett, b. 1776; set. N. Y., 

1810? Lenawee Port, 432. 

Eliza H., b. Falmouth, 1807; m. 

Thomas J. Tasker of Mass. Saginaw 
Port., 942. 

Fanny W. b. Plainfield. 1824; m. 

Levi G. White of Mich. Gratiot, 543- 

Gain, b. Clark's Island or Hard- 
wick, 1765 or 1771; set. N. Y., 1800? 
Lenawee Hist. I, 379, 524; Lenawee 
Port., 1 103. 

Hiram B., b. Springfield, 1823; set. 

Mich., 1852? Branch Twent., 659. 



Robinson, Jeremiah A., b. Concord. 1812; 

set. O., 1852, Mich., 1858. Jackson 

Hist, 700; Jackson Port., 305. 
John, )b. 1805; set. N. Y., 1824, 

Mich., 1836; d. 1854. Kalamazoo Port., 


Joshua N., set. O., 1840? Gratiot, 


Nahum, 1812 soldier; set. Pa. Branch 

Port, 443. 

Peleg, set. N. Y.., 1795? Jackson 

Hist, 1 153. 
Robert, b. Duxbury, 1762; set N. 

Y., 1800? Lenawee Hist. II, 89. 
Seth, of Plainfield; set. O., 1830? 

Gratiot, 543. 
Roby, E. A., b. Middlesex Co., 181 1; 

set Wis., Mich. Kent, 1343. 
Rockwell, Deacon, b. Sandisfield, 1800? 

set Mich. Kalamazoo Port, 313. 
Rockwood, Garrett, b. Conway, 1795; 

set N. Y., O. Genesee Port., 625. 
Reuben, set N. Y., 1815? Midland, 

Rodgers, Frank A., b. Sandwich, 1849; 

set Maine, 1859, Mich., 1880. Grand 

Rapids City, 368; Grand Rapids Hist., 


George H., set Me., 1859. Grand 

Rapids City, 368. 
Roe, Mehitable, b. 1787; m. Nathaniel 

Green of O. Newaygo, 369. 
Rogers, Chris. W., b. Petersham, 1847; 

set. Mo. Lenawee Hist. I, 472. 
■ Dwight, b. Hardwick, 1818; set 

Mich., 1832. Lenawee Hist. II, 247. 
Edward T., b. Petersham, 1845; set 

Mo. Lenawee Hist. I, 472. 
Elona, b. Colerain, 1805; m. 1828 

Alvin Cross of Mich. Washtenaw 

Hist, 449. 
Isaac, set. N. Y., 1800? O. Jackson 

/Hist., 925. 
James, set. Mich.; d. 1846. Lena- 
wee Illus., 412. 
James, b. Ashfield, 1815? set. Mich., 

1830? O. Lenawee Illur, 285; 

Lenawee Port, 915. 
« Jesse, b. Dana, 1808; set Mich., 

1850? Lenawee Hist I, 472 

Rogers. Margaret, b. Dartmouth. 17FS; 

m. Benjamin Slade of X. Y. and Mich. 

Lenawee Hist., II, 275. 
Mary, of Ipswich; m. Abicl Foster 

of N. H. (b. 1735). Berrien Port. 
Mary A., b. Hardwick, lSl6\ m. 

1834 George Colvin of Mich. Lenawee 

Hist I, 305. 
Obadiah, b. Dana, 1792; set Mich. 

1832. Lenawee Hist. I, 167, 305; II. 

Samuel, b. near Boston, 1773; sct - 

N. Y., 1797. Lenawee Hist. II, 330. 
Thomas, of Colerain; set. N. Y., 

1809, O., 1816. Washtenaw Hist.. 449. 
Rood, Aaron, set. Vt, Mich.. 1826; d- 

1854. Genesee Port., 350. 
Edward A., b. 1840; set Mich., 

1861. Berrien Hist., 438 
Ezra, set. Vt., Mich., 1823. Kent, 

Ezra, set. Vt, Mich., 1861. Ber- 
rien Hist., 438. 
Josiah F., from Buckland. Berrien 

Hist, 438. 
Moses; Revolutionary soldier; set. 

Vt. Genesee Port., 351. 
Root, Daniel, set. N. Y., 1815, Mich., 

1835. Jackson Hist., 836. 
Joan, b. Stockbridge, 1780; m. 1S03 

Stephen Ingersoll of N. Y. and Mich. 

Lenawee Hist., II, 358; Lenawee 

Port., 743- 
Mary, m. 1820? Silas Pierce of N. 

Y. Grand Rapids City, 356. 
Pliny, b. Ludlow, 1785; set. N. Y., 

Mich. Jackson Hist., 1109. 
Timothy, b. 1760? set. Mich. Jack- 
son Hist., 1109. 

William, b. Ludlow, 1816; set. N. 

Y., Mich., 1836. Jackson Hist, 149. 

1 109. 
Rose, Nathan, b. 1783; set. N. Y., 1790? 

Macomb Hist., 835- 
Samuel, b. Granville, 1817; set. N. 

Y., 1827, Mich., 1836. Grand River 
439; Newaygo, 423. 
Ross, A. Hastings, b. Winchendon, 1831: 

set. O., Mich. St. Clair, 592- 



set. Mich., 1855. 

Ebenezer Brooks 
Hist., 691. 

Rounds, David C, b. Dartmouth, 1836; 
set. Mich., 1861. Gratiot, 238. 

Richard A., b. Leyden; set. N. Y., 

Mich. Kent, 1302. 

Rounseville, Benjamin, set. N. Y., 
1800? Ingham Port., 833. 

Rowland, Almira, m. 1830? Henry Har- 
mon of N. Y. and Mich. Kalamazoo 
Port., 943. 

Roys, J. E., b. 1824 
Kent 1269. 

iMyron, b.' Sheffield, 1808; set. Mich., 

1833. Kent, 261, 1422. 

Norman, b. Sheffield, 1807; set. 

Mich., 1831. St. Joseph, 136. 

Rude, Mary F., m. 1831 William Pack- 
ard of Mich. Berrien Hist., facing 

Rundel, Warren, set. Conn., Pa., Mich., 
1840? Oakland Port., 200. 

Rundell, James, set. N. Y., 1830? 
Mich., 1840. Saginaw Port., 663. 

Runyan, Silas, b. W. Stockbridge; set. 
N. Y., 1810? O. Gratiot, 381. 

Rush, Justin, Revolutionary soldier; 
set N. Y. Ionia Port, 350. 

Orissa, b. 1800? m. Delonza Turner 

or N. Y. and Mich. Hillsdale Port, 

-Samuel F., b. Cheshire; set. N. Y.; 

d. 1865. Hillsdale Port., 091. 

Russ, Nathaniel, b. Salem; set. N. Y., 
1830? Mich., 1836. Lenawee Hist. I, 

Russell, Ainsworth T.. b. Townsend, 
1811; set. Mich., 1861. Bay Hist., 205. 

Elihu, of Franklin Co., set. N. Y., 

1818. Ionia Hist., 319. 

Esteven, b. Sunderland, 1817; set. 


Hannah, b. 1815? m. John Brooks 

of Vt Macomb 1835. Jackson Hist, 955. 

of O. Gratiot, 598. 
— Howland, set. N. Y. 
w. Port, 557. 

1800? Gene- 

Mary R.. b. Nantucket; m. 1S68 Is- 
aac W. Wood of Mich. Kent, 1175. 

Miriam, m. 1820? Ashley Smith of 

N. Y. Gratiot, 683. 

Newton, b. 1S01; set. N. Y. Hills- 
dale Port., 900. 

William S., b. Sunderland, 1807; set 

N. Y., Mich. Wayne Chron., 345. 

Rust, Angeline, b. Northampton; m. 
1825 Abel French of N. Y. Ionia 
Hist., 440. 

Justin, see Rush, Justin. 

Ryan, Maria L., b. Milford; m. 1880 

John F. Skinner of Mich. Clinton 

Past, 320. 

Will E., b. Adams, 1867; set. Mich. 

Grand Rapids City, 372; Grand Rapids 
Hist, 782. 

Ryder, Polly, m. 1820? William O. Mar- 
shall of O. and Wis. Lenawee Port., 

Ryther, Elkanah, b. 1795; set. Canada, 
Mich., 1838. Berrien Port., 247. 

Sabin, Rhoda, m. 1825? Younglove C 
Carpenter of N. Y. and Mich. St. Jo- 
seph. 85. 

Ziba, b. 1784; set. N. Y. Allegan 

Hist, 291. 

S\ckett, Lemuel, Jr., b. Pittsfield, 1808; 
set N. Y., 1822, Mich., 1829. Macomb 
Hist., 601; Macomb Past, 60S. 

Saddler, Seth C, b. Ashfield, 1S09; set. 
N. Y., Mich., 1831. Genesee Hist, 

Sage, Eliza, m. 1840 Daniel Harris of 
N. Y. Ingham Port., 621. 

Salmon, Caroline, m. 1825? Nathaniel 
Redington of O. and Mich. Ionia 
Port., 221. 

Sampson, Caleb, b. 1781; set. Mich. 

Washtenaw Hist., 590. 
Miss E. L., of Lakeville; m. 1859 

comb Hist., 908. 
Samson, George W., b. 17S1; set. N T . Y. 

Berrien Port., 250. 



Samson, Horatio G., b. Kingston, 1812; 

set. Mich., 18^6. Berrien Port., 250. 
Sanderson, David, b. 1805? set. X. Y., 

1806, O., 1834, Mich., 1850. Macomb 

Past, 268. 
Elnathan, b. 1776; set. N. Y., 1806. 

Macomb Past, 268. 
Pliny, set. N. Y., 1820? O., 1836, 

Mich. Clinton Port., 776. 
William, b. Franklin Co., 1809; set. 

Mich., 1830. Washtenaw Hist., 1449. 
Zimri, set. Mich., 1830. Washte- 
naw Port., 608. 
Sandford, J. M., b. S. Westport, 181 1; 

set. Mich., 1835. Jackson Hist., 869. 
Sanford, Frank, of Boston; bought land 

in Mich., 1837. Allegan Hist., 269. 
Sanger, Chloe, b. 1797; m. John B. 

Brockelbank of N. Y. Lenawee Port., 

Laoidea, m. 1825? Henry Hubbard 

of Mass. and O. Ionia Port., 705. 
Sargeant, James F.. b. Boston, 1829; 

set. Mich., 1836. Kent, 11 18. 
Nathaniel O., set. Mich., 1835. 

Grand Rapids Hist., 170; Grand Rap- 
ids Lowell, 102. 
Thomas, from Boston; set. Mich., 

i8x5? Grand Rapids Hist., 177. 
Thomas S., b. Maiden, 1831; set. 

Mich., 1836. Kent, 11 18. 
Sargent, Ann, b. Templeton, 1771; m. 

Asa Woolson of Vt. Bay Gansser, 

Nancy, b. Pittsfield, 1836; m. 1855 

Moses B. Marsh of Mich. Midland, 

Saunders, James B., b. W. Harwich, 

1844; set. Mich., 1857. Washtenaw 

Past, 79. 
Thorndike P., b. Bedford, 1810; set. 

N. Y., Mich., 1857. Washtenaw Past, 

Savage, John, b. Salem, 1788; set. N. Y., 

1788, Mich., 1840. Cass Hist., 405; 

Cass Twent., 84. 
Savery, George C, set. N. Y., 1840? 

Washtenaw Port., 359. 
Isaac, set. N. Y., 1848. Washtenaw 

Port, 544. 

Savery, Isaac P., b. 1838, let, N. Y. 
1848, Mich., 1859. Washtenaw Part, 544! 
SaWTELL, Levi, b. near Boston; set. N'. 

Y., 1800? Lenawee lllua., 70. 
Sawyer, Albert P., b. Charlemont, 1820; 

set. O., 1850, Mich. Osceola, 295. 
Amanda P., b. Egremont, 1M3, m. 

Camp Kelley of N. V. and Mich. Hills- 
dale Port., 661. 
Caleb, b. 1S11; set. N. Y., Mich, 

1834. Ingham Part., 639. 
Holloway, b. Harvard, 1827; set 

Mich., 1849. Monroe, appendix. 3J. 
Sarah, b. 1784; m. Richard Bryan of 

Mass. and Mich. Hillsdale Port., 410. 

Scott, Jesse, b. Chester, 1818; set. Mich., 
1831. Washtenaw Hist., 500, 735 

Joseph E., set. N. Y., Mich., 1845- 

Kalamazoo Port., 984. 

Lemuel S., of Cheshire, b. 1790; set. 

Mich., 1831. Ionia Hist., 465; Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 590, 735. 

Nathan B., b. Cheshire, 1825; set. 

Mich., 1830. Ionia Hist., 461. 

Olive, m. 1825? Chauncy Crittendon 

of Mass., and N. Y. Kalamazoo Port., 

Samuel b. Berkshire Co.; set. N. Y., 

1814. Newaygo, 277. 

Scovel, Lois, b. Berkshire Co.; m. 1810? 
David S. Walker of N. Y. and Mich. 
Lenawee Hist. I, 518. 

Scuddel, Eliza H., of Hyannis; m. 1S71 
N. Cordary of Mich. Washtenaw 
Hist., 1 199. 

Sears, Achsah, m. 1810? George Ran- 
ney of N. Y. Hillsdale Port., 871. 

Carrie, b. Greenwich, 1S00; m. John 

G. Clark of N. Y. Ingham Port., 380- 

Hannah M., b. W. Hawley, 1S39; 

m. Benjamin Wing of Mich. Isabella, 

John, set. Me., 1S00? Branch Port., 


Mary Ann, b. Ashfield, 1S13; m 

1831 Abraham Moe of 
Hist. II, 149 


.enav\ ee 

i 4 a 


Sears, Peter, b. Ashfield, 1787; set. Mich., 

1826 or 1827. Lenawee Hist. II, 149; 

Washtenaw Hist., 646; Washtenaw 

Past, 806; Washtenaw Port, 340. 
Rhoda, b. Yarmouth, 1771; m. 

Smith of N. Y. Macomb Hist, 763. 
Richard, b. 1775; set Conn., N. Y.; 

d. 1829. Lenawee Hist. II, 271; Le- 
nawee Port, 645. 
Roxana, m. 1810? Austin Lilly of 

Mass. and O. Kalamazoo Port., 327. 
Solomon F., b. Ashfield, 1816; set. 

Mich., 1827. Washtenaw Hist, 506, 

665; Washtenaw Port, 340. 
- — Mrs. Sophia J., b. 1792; set. Mich.. 

1837; d. 1879. Washtenaw Hist, 488. 
Thomas, b. Ashfield; set. N. Y., 

1820? Mich., 1837. Washtenaw Hist., 

818; Washtenaw Port, 228. 
Thomas, b. Peru. 1827; set. Mich., 

1837. Washtenaw Hist., 818. 

William, b. Ashfield, 1818; set N. 

Y., Va., Mich., 1857. Grand Rapids 
Lowell, 493. 

Seaver, William, of Lowell; set Mich., 
1858. Allegan Hist, 366. 

Secoy. Phebe, m. Samuel Sprague of O. 
Gratiot, 389. 

Seekels, Jerusha, b. Ashfield; m. 1830? 
David Taylor of O. Genesee Hist, 

Seekins, Diadama, m. 1810? Daniel 

Smith of N. Y. Washtenaw Port, 

Seeley, Minerva, of Berkshire Co.; m. 

1820 Ira R Paddock of N. Y. and 

Mich. Branch Port., 454. 

Sergeant Gennett, b. 1822; m. Ethan H. 
Rice of Mich. Jackson Hist., 699. 

James, b. Boston, 1831; set. Mich., 

1836. Kent, 263. 

Nathaniel O., see Sargeanr. 

Richard B., set. N. Y., 1815? Clin- 

ton Port., 752. 

Sessions, George, b. S. Wilbraham, 1784; 
set. N. Y., Mich., 1833 or 1834. Wash- 
tenaw Hist., 646; Washtenaw Port, 

Sessions, Orrin F., set. Vt, 1820? Kent, 

Severance, Sarah J., b. Etockport, <' Jr 4; 

m. 1875 Owen F. Tcep'.es of Mch. 

Sanilac, 434. 
W. D., of Franklin Co., b. 1 8 1 2 ; set 

Mich., 1835. Jackson Hist., 1029. 
Sexton Hannah, m. 1S10? Dan Monroe 

of N. Y. Newaygo, 437. 
Martha, m. 1790? Ephraim Hutcliis- 

son of N. Y. Jackson Hist, 832. 
Seymour, Hannah, b. 1787; set. Mich. 

Washtenaw Hist., 590. 
Lovica C. b. Hadley, 1814; m. 1834 

Edwin Cook of N. Y. and Mich. Le- 
nawee Port., 353. 
Shackleton, Thomas, b. Lowell, 1841; 

set. Canada, 1843, Mich., 1873. Ma- 
comb Hist., 603. 
Shadduck, Roxania, b. near Boston, 

1800; m. 1800 Joseph Camburn of N. 

Y. and Mich. Lenawee Hist. I, 412. 
Shattuck. Alfred, b. 1794; set. N. Y w 

Mich., 1832. Oakland Port., 438. 
Charles A., b. Leyden, 181;; set. 

N. Y., Wis., Mich. Hillsdale Port., 

Mary, b. Colerain, 1795? m. Ira 

Donelson of Mich. Oakland Biog., 

Roland, set. N. Y., 1830? Clinton 

Port., 446. 
Samuel Dwight, b. Chesterfield, 

1811; set. N. Y., Mich., 1832. Macomb 

Hist., 834, 884, 896; Macomb Past, 

Shaw, Addison C, set. O., Mich., 1846. 

Branch Port, 395. 
Brackley, b. Abington, 1790; set. 

N. Y., 1825, Mich., 1835. Lenawee 

Hist I, 424; II, 437; Lenawee Port.. 

Brackley, b. Plainfield. 1818; set. 

N. Y., 1825, Mich., 1835- Lenawee 

Hist. I, 424; Lenawee Port.. 238. 
Ebenezer, 1812 soldier; set. Canada. 

Ingham Port, 836. 
Hannah, b. Middleboro, 1782; m. 

George W. Samson of N. Y. Berrien 

Port., 250. 


Shaw, Humphrey, b. Westport, 1809; set. 
Mich., 1837. Saginew Port., 564. 

James, set. O., 1840? Ionia Port., 


Lyanda, b. Worthington, 1813; m. 

1831 Alonzo Mitchell of Mich. Le- 
nawee Port., 2S6. 

Persis, m. 1825? Solomon Cowles of 

N. Y., Canada and Mich. Ionia Port, 

Philip, b. 1770; 1812 soldier; set. 

N. Y., 1815? Mich., 1830. Oakland 
Biog., 668. 

Philip, b. Dighton, 1781; set. N. Y., 

Mich., 1829. Oakland Hist., 322. 

Sarah, of Lanesboro, m. 1832 David 

A. Noble of Mich. Monroe, 250. 

Silena M., m. 1833, Norton D. Warn- 
er of Mich. Lenawee Hist. J, 352. 

Shearer, James M., b. Coleram, 1815 
or 1817; set. Vt., Mich., 1849. Ing- 
ham Port., 810; St. Clair, 123. 

Jonathan, b. Colerain, 1796; set. 
N. Y., 1822 or 1824, Mich., 1836. Ionia 
)Hist, 394; St. Clair, 119; Wayne 
Chron., 79, 189. 

Lydia, b. Ashfield, 1818; set. Mich. 

St. Clair, 123. 

Maria, m. 1847, D. G. Jones of N. Y. 

and Mich. St. Clair, 715. 

Shedd, Sylvester, b. 1786; 1812 soldier; 
set. N. Y., Mich., 1836. Berrien Port., 
549; Berrien Twent, S82. 

Sheffield, Joseph H., b. Worcester, 
1861; set. Mich., 1884. Muskegon 
Port, 165. 

Shepard, James M., b. N. Brookfield, 
1840; set. Mich., 1868. Berrien Port., 
288. Cass Hist., 180; Cass Twent., 

Joseph, b. 1779; set. N. Y. Berrien 

Port., 673. 

Mary A., m. 1800? Augustus Green- 

iman of N. Y. Shiawassee, facing 284. 

Shepherd, Dexter, see Cutler. 

Sheridan, Owen, b. Middlesex, 1827; 
set Wis., 1851, Mich., 1855. Upper 
P., 310. 

Sherman, Abram, 1812 soldier; set. N. 
Y., 1820? Oakland Port., 556. 


1832. Shia- 

Swiclc of 


Sherman, Daniel, set. Mich. 
wasee, 523. 

— —Electa, of Lanesboro; m. 1803 Dan- 
iel Loomis of Mass. and N. Y. Lena- 
wee Hist. I, 123. 

Elizabeth, m. 1S30? John 

Mich. Hillsdale Port., 755. 

Jarrah, set. N. Y., 1830? 

Port., 753. 

Lydia, of Berkshire Co.; m. 1815? 

Caleb Beals of N. Y. and Mich. Le- 
nawee Port., 214, 844. 

Mary, b. Grafton, 1725 3 m. 1748 John 

Cooper, of Hardwick. Branch Port., 

P. L., b. New Bedford, 1844; set. 

Mich., 1879. Bay Hist., 274. 
Timothy, of Lanesboro; set. O., 

1812. Lenawee Hist. I, 123. 
Sherwood, Lucinda, m. 1825? Rufus 

Herrick of N. Y. and Mich. Ingham 

Port., 619. 

Shipton, Charles, b. Sternville, 1S60; 

set. Mich., 1868. Detroit, 1300. 
Short, Hopy, b. 1768; m. James Green 

of N. Y.. Oakland Port., 839. 
Lucinda, m. 1800? Isaac Bishop of 

N. Y. Macomb Hist., 646. 
Naomi, m. 1800? John Norton of 

N. Y. and Mich; d. 1825? Kent, 1342; 

Oakland Biog., 164; Oakland Hist., 

Shumway, Levi, b. Belchertown, 1788; 

set. N. Y., 1804, Mich., 1829. Branch 

Hist., 246; Branch Port., 622; Lenawee 

Hist. I, 270. 
Sally, b. 1787; m. Amariah Bemii 

of Conn. Oakland Port., 349. 
Shurtleff, Selah, of Montgomery; set. 

O., d. 1861. Branch Port., 403, 540. 
Shurwin, A. S., Revolutionary soldier; 

set. O. Muskegon Port., 347. 
Sibley, Alvah, b. Berkshire, 1796; set. 

N. Y., 1817, Mich., 1835- Macomb 

Hist, 710. 
John, set. N. Y., 1810? Clinton 

Past, 288. . 

Solomon, b. Sutton, 1769; set. O 

1796, Mich. Detroit, 1031; Waynr 
Land., 364. 

<£>rttm^m $c (Jomnunt 

on ^oofys? anb <B\[\2t jutbjed^ 

Not every contribution to local history bears a title beginning with 
the formal "History of." We have in hand a pamphlet of 34 pages en- 
titled "Amoriah Chandler and His Times," by Judge Francis M. Thomp- 
son, printed by T. Morey & Son, Greenfield. Mass. It was read before 
the Pacumtuck Valley Memorial Association at its annual meeting, Feb- 
ruary, 1909. 

Rev. Amorah Chandler, descendant in the sixth generation of William 
and Annie Chandler of Roxbury, was born in Deerfield. Mass., 1782 and 
died in Greenfield, Mass., 1864. His ntire active life was comprised in 
two settlements: the Congregational Church of AYaitsfield, Vt.. 1810-1830 
and the North Parish of Greenfield, Mass., 1832-1864. 

Waitsfield was largely settled from Massachusetts, and on pages 5 
to 10 is found a list of pioneers, mostly from the various towns of 
Franklin County, who settled there. 

In the later settlement, Greenfield, Judge Thompson gives us a most 
attractive picture of the old school, county pastor and his relations with 
the community, enlivened by citations from diaries, personal reminisce* 

ces. etc. 






Published bythe Salem Press Co. Sale m,Mass. USA 

Wfyt Jtfassailmsdts jHaiTamtc. 

A Quarterly cMagazine Devoted to History, Genealogy and Biography^ 


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Issued in January, April, July and October. Subscription, $2.50 per year, Single copies, 75c 

Vol. VI OCTOBER, 1913. 

Ho. 4 

(ZtxixUnia af Hits Jssuc. 

Colonel John Mansfield's Regiment 

Frank A. Gardner. M. D. 147 
Reminiscences of Four Score Years 

Judge Francis M. Thompson 159 

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Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, Provincial Army, May to 

July, 1775. 
Colonel John Mansfield's 19th Regiment, Army United Colonies, 
July to September 15, 1775. 
Lieutenant Colonel Israel Hutchinson's 19tii Regiment, Army 
United Colonies, September 15th to December, 1775. 

By Frank A. Gardner, M. D. 

This regiment, composed entirely of Essex County men, was organized 
in the early part of May, 1775, and became the 7th Regiment in the Pro- 
vincial Army. Colonel John Mansfield, to whom the command was given, 
had been Lieutenant Colonel in command of the First Essex County Regi- 
ment (Colonel Timothy Pickering's) which responded to the Lexington 
alarm of April 19, 1775, an d served six days. The Field and Staff officers 
of the regiment were as follows : 

"Col. John Mansfield, Lynn, May 3, 1775. 

Lt. Col. Israel Hutchinson, Danvers, May 3, 1775. 

Major Ezra Putnam, Middleton, May 3, 1775. 

Adj't Tarrant Putnam, Danvers, May 4, 1775. 

Qt. Mr. Samuel Goodridge, Beverly, May 20, 1775. 

Surgeon Edw. Durant, Holliston, May 3, 1775. 

Surgeon's Mate Nath'l Oliver, Danvers, May 4, 1775." 
The following letter explains itself: 

"Salem, May 10, 1775. 
• It appearing highly expedient that a regiment should be formed from 
Salem & its environs, — with a view to serve the general cause. I took the 
liberty of recommending Col. Mansfield & Capt. Hutchinson to be the 
Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel of it. They then appeared to me the most 
suitable persons that could be found willing to fill those places ; & I am 
still of the same opinion. I should not give you any further trouble by 
means of Col. Herrick. The latter, as Mr. Hutchinson informs me. de- 
clared himself well pleased v/ith his appointment & heartily, in appear- 
ance, congratulated him upon it; & yet, with might and main, is now en- 
deavoring to supplant him; and he builds his hopes of succeeding, it seems 
—not upon Col. Hutchinson's insufficiency— nor upon his own superwur 
ability & merit; but upon a foundation which a man of honor, I think. 




would reject with disdain: — Colonel Herrick, truly, has friends in court! — 
An admirable plea for his advancement! An incontestable evidence of hii 
merit. — I should not have opened my lips to Col. Hcrrick's disadvan- 
tage had he not, in a manner which to me appears most ungenerous, en- 
deavored to supplant Col. Hutchinson; & otherwise treated him with 
great incivility, to use a gentle word. What I have here said, Gentlemen, 
is grounded wholly upon Col. Hutchinson's account of the matter; but 
from the manners and character of the gentleman I cannot suffer myself 
to doubt his veracity. 

Nevertheless if I am misinformed I will readily ask Col. Merrick's 
pardon. I should not, gentlemen, have presumed to intrude myself upon 
you, if Col. Hutchinson himself had had an opportunity of laying the 
affair before you; but as he failed of this, I thought myself bound in 
justice to support him, & to express my indignation & bear my testimony 
against the indecent attack, by which a post well deserved and fairly 
obtained was attempted to be wrested from him. This letter, if it comes 
to Col. Herrick's knowledge, will undoubtedly offend him ; but, if it be 
necessary to expose it, I do not wish it should be concealed. Yet I am 
desirous of the friendship of all men. But in the innocency & integrity 
of my heart I wrote my first letter in favor of Col. Mansfield & Col. Hut- 
chinson & in the same spirit I have written this, and if a gentleman is 
offended with me for doing my duty, — I can bear his resentment or 
reproaches with patience. I had like to have forgot to add tho' tis of 
importance, & what for the good of the common cause, I am bound to 
say, — that 'tis probable the regiment will be much dissatisfied if the 
Lieut. Col. be displaced; & one company, I am informed, have already 
expressed great uneasiness about it. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Tim. Pickering, fun. 
To the Committee of Safety". 

The opposition of Lt. Col. Henry Herrick of Beverly to the appoint- 
ment of these officers may be explained in part by the following records 
of Colonel Timothy Pickering, Junior's Regiment in the archives. In 
Vol. 26, Page 150, Henry Herrick is named as Lieutenant Colonel of this 
regiment with two days service on the Lexington Alarm, and in Vol. 26. 
Page 212, Lieutenant Colonel John Mansfield of Lynn is named as the 
commanding officer of the First Essex County Regiment (Colonel Tim- 
othy Pickering, Commander). 

"Col. Mansfield having satisfied this committee that his regiment is in 
forwardness, he had a certificate thereof, and a recommendation to Con- 
gress that the regiment be commissioned accordingly. 

Committee of Safetv, May 27, 1775" 


"The names of the Captains in Col. Mansfield's Regiment 
Capt. Ezra Newhall Capt. Thomas Barns 

Capt. Enoch Putnam Capt. Addison Richardson 

Capt. Ebenezer Francis " Capt. John Low 

Capt. Asa Prince Capt. Gideon Foster 

Capt. Benjamin Kimball Capt. Nathan Brown." 

In Congress May 27, 1775. 

Ordered that Commissions be delivered to the Captains in Coll, Mans- 
field's Regiment agreeable to the within list. 

May 27, 1775, Sam'l Freeman, Sec'y." 

"In Provincial Congress, May 27, 1775. 

Ordered that the Committee appointed to give out Commissions be 
directed, to deliver commission to Israel Hutchinson as Lieut. Collo. and 
Ezra Putnam, Esq. Major of Collo. Mansfield's Regiment 

Sam. Freeman, Sec'y-" 
"Collo. Mansfield's Return, May 27, 1775. 

Capt. Newall ' 53 

Capt Frances 5° 

Capt. Putnam 5° 

Capt. Prince 5° 

Capt. Kimble 45 

Capt. Barnes 45 

Capt. Richardson 47 

Capt. Low 45 

Capt. Foster 40 

John Mannsfield." 

"June 7, 1775- 
"Ordered, That commissions be delivered to the Lieutenants and en- 
signs in Colonel Mannsfield's Regiment. Agreeably to the list by him 

exhibited.' , 

Third Provincial Congress. 

The subalterns in the companies of this regiment were named in the 
following list, dated Junne 7, 1775- 

« "Colo. Mansfield's Regiment 

Zadock Burlington John Pierce 

John Dodge Benj. Craft 

James Bancroft James Matthews 

John Upton 'Grimes Tufts 

Job Whipple Benja. Gardner 

Nath'l Cleaves Joseph Herrick 


Francis Cox Frederick Breed 

Stephen Wilkins Archejaus Batchelor 

Bille Porter Harfial White 

Ephm Emerton Downing." 

The unfortunate circumstances connected with the service of Colonel 
Mansfield and his regiment at the Battle of Bunker Mill arc shown in 
the following quotations from Howard Kendall Saunderson's excellent 
account given in his admirable work "Lynn in the Revolution''. 

"At about three o'clock in the afternoon General Ward dispatched 
the Nineteenth Regiment (7th Regiment Provincial Army, 19th Rcgi- 
Army United Colonies after July, 1775), commanded by Col. Mansfield, 
to reinforce General Israel Putnam and Colonel Prescott. At this time 
everything was in an uproar, and the uttermost confusion prevailed. The 
terrific fire from the British men-of-war swept Charlestown Neck, a hand- 
to-hand fight was in progress on Breed's Hill and Charlestown was in 
flames. Some regiments were advancing, others halting, other retreating. 
Major Scarborough Gridley had been ordered with his artillery to ad- 
vance, but, after reaching Cobble Hlil, he decided to halt and cover the 
retreat which he thought to be inevitable. Colonel Mansfield at this time, 
came up with his regiment, and was ordered by Major Gridley to halt 
and support him. Here was made the fatal mistake of Colonel Mansfield, 
for he disobeyed the order previously given him. took those of an inferior 
officer and halted his regiment. Thus in sight of the battle the Lynn 
men under Captain Ezra Newhall stood still until about five o'clock, 
when the conflict ended. That night Colonel Mansfield's Regiment lay 
upon its arms at Winter Hill, expecting a continuance of the attack on 
Sunday morning, but the British had met with such severe losses that 
they did not care to renew the battle. Colonel Mansfield was field officer 
of the day on the 18th and on the 23rd his regiment was ordered to camp 
on Prospect Hill. On the 30th of June the Provincial Congress ordered 
the commission of Colonel to be delivered to Colonel John Mansfield 
to date from May 19th. When the army was re-organized in July, I775« 
this regiment became the 19th in the Army of the United Colonies. On 
the 4th day of July he was present at Cambridge, and met General Wash- 
ington, who, on the day before had taken charge of the army, and who on 
the next day detailed him as officer of the day. Soon after Colonel Mans- 
field was ordered to make a return of his regiment, which he did, showing 
399 officers and men effective 
26 sick present 
23 sick absent 
21 on furlough 
11 command 

470 in all 


On July 8th he was again officer of the day and on July 22nd General 
"Washington ordered the army formed into a brigade, and Colonel Mans 
field's Regiment together with that of John Stark was placed under the 
command of John Sullivan and posted on Winter Hill. During this time 
a part of his regiment was employed in making bricks for the army.'' 
As stated by Saunderson in "Lynn in the Revolution'' "in the early 
part of August, jealousy and bad feeling developed among his men, 
gradually increasing until three of his officers went to General Washing- 
ton and accused Colonel Mansfield of cowardice in the engagement 
June 17th. Two months after the battle, therefore, on the 13th of August, 
1775, the following entry occurs in the orderly book of the Commander- 
in-Chief : — 

'A general court martial to sit tomorrow to try Colonel John Mans- 
field, of the Massachusetts forces, accused by three of his officers of high 
crimes and misdemeanors, One F>rig. Genl. and twelve field officer- to 
compose the Court'." 

The result of this court martial is shown in the following: 

"Headquarters, September 15. 1775. 

(Parole Pittsburg) (Countersign Ulster) 

Colonel John Mansfield of the 19th Regiment of Foot tried at a Gen- 
eral Court Martial wherein Brigadier-General Greene was Present, for 
'remissness and backwardness in the execution of his duty at the late en- 
gagement on Bunker's Hill.' The Court found the prisoner guilty of the 
charge and of a breach of the forty-ninth article of the Rules and Regula- 
tions of the Massachusetts Army, and therefore sentenced him to be 
cashiered, and rendered unfit to serve in the Continental Army. 

The General approves the sentence and directs it to take place im- 

The forty-ninth article referred to above, reads as follows : 

"All crimes not capital, and all disorders and neglects, which officers 
and soldiers may be guilty of, to the prejudice of good order and military 
discipline, though not mentioned in the articles of war, are to be taken 
cognizance of by general or regimental court-martial according to the 
nature and degree of the offense and to be punished at their discretion. ' 
The punishment meted out to Colonel Mansfield was thought by some ot 
the officers in the army far too severe, as Colonel Mansfield erred in judg- 
ment in halting and supporting Major Gridley instead of obeying the 
orders of the commanding officer, General Ward, and proceeding to the 
scene of the battle. Other officers were accused about the same time. 
and were acquitted, some of them claiming that orders were misunder- 
stood, while others pleaded sickness. 

Lieut. Colonel Israel Hutchinson became commander of the regiment 
and served through the remainder of the year without change in rank. 


In September and October, 1775 the regiment was stationed at Rox- 

The following shows the rank attained by the officers of this regiment 

during the war; 3 colonels, 2 lieut. colonels, 3 majors. 14 captaii 
lieutenants, 6 second lieutenants, a surgeon and a surgeon's mate. One 
officer, Captain Gideon Foster, became major general of militia. 
the war. 

June 9, 1775 


My, 1775 


August 18, 1775 


Sept. 23, 1775 


Oct. 17, 1775 


Nov. 18, 1775 


Dec. 30, 1775 


The following table shows the strength of the regiment during the 
different months of the year: — 

Com. Off. Staff Non. Com. Rank & File Total 

33 3S5* 447 

5 53t 4/0 551 

2 45 484 553 
5 42 483 554 

3 42 491 558 
5 40 466 531 

4 3^ 548 609 
^Including corporals, drummers and fifers. 

f Including drummers and fifers. 

COLONEL JOHN MANSFIELD, son of Jonathan and Martha 
(Stocker) Mansfield, was born in Lynn, February 19, 1721-22. December 
13, 1754, he enlisted in Captain John Lane's Company. In 1756 he 
was at Albany in the company of Captain Samuel Flint of Danvers. From 
April 2, 1759 to January 26, 1760, he was at Fort Cumberland, in Captain 
William Angier's Company, Colonel Joseph Frye's Regiment, serving as 
a Corporal. He was a Sergeant in Captain Moses Parker's Company 
from May 9, 1761 to January 2, 1762, and from March 12, to November 25. 
1762, he held the same rank in Captain Moses Hart's Company. In Janu- 
ary, 1766 he became Lieutennt in Captain Samuel Johnson's Company, 
Colonel Benjamin Pickman's First Essex County Regiment. He was 
Captain in the same regiment, under Colonel William Browne, in August, 
1771. He took an early interest in the struggle for liberty, and was ap- 
pointed a member of the Committee of Correspondence, January 6. IJ7 2 - 
He was a member of the Essex County Convention, held at Ipswich. Sep- 
tember 7, 1774. He was one of the two representatives from Lynn at the 
First Provincial Congress, held at Salem, October 7, 1774, and was a 
member of a committee of that body "to prepare from the best authentic- 
evidence which can be procured, a true state of the number of inhabitants, 
and of exports and imports, of goods . . . manufactures of all kinds" 
etc. "to be used by our delegates at the Continental Congress, to be held 
at Philadelphia" in May. He represented Lynn in the Second Provincial 


Congress, February 1, 1775. On the Lexington alarm of April 19. 17; 
he marched as Lieut. Colonel of Colonel Timothy Pickering's First I 
County Regiment. May 1, 1775, Colonel Timothy Pickering Jun. 1:1 a 
letter to the Committee of Safety, recommended that he be appointed 
Colonel of a regiment *'to be raised in Salem and vicinity." lie was en- 
gaged May 3, 1775, and a full account of his subsequent service has been 
given in the historical section of this article. The following account 
his life, after his dismissal from the army, quoted from Howard K San- 
derson's "Lynn in the Revolution", shows how highly he was regarded by 
his fellow-townsmen : 

"He returned to Lynn, bowed down by the sentence, and feeling that 
he had been used unfairly. The townspeople evidently did not believe the 
stories of cowardice which had been advanced, for they proceeded to honor 
him in every possible way. In March, 1776, he was chosen a member of 
the Committee of Correspondence, Inspection and Safety, which im- 
portant position he filled in 1778, 1780, 1781, 1782 and 1783 until the treaty 
of peace. He served as moderator of the town meetings during almost 
the entire period of war, and was active in raising various quotas of men 
sent into the Continental Army. He attended to the providing of the 
families of the soldiers away in the army, and in many other ways he 
exhibited his devotion to the patriot cause. In 1785 he was elected town 
treasurer but declined to serve. His last public appearance was on the 
14th of May, 1792, when at the age of seventy-one, he acted as moderator 
of the town meeting. Colonel Mansfield was a courtly gentleman of the 
old school, tall and dignified in appearance, and with a gait and manner 
so noticeable as to be called the 'Mansfield swing'. . . . The last 
days of the old colonel were spent quietly in the midst of his large family, 
but during the remainder of his long life he felt severely the disgrace of his 
dismissal from the army, even though popular sentiment had ascribed his 
course to error of judgment only." "Swett, the historian of Bunker Hill, 
says plainly that this was a fact, and with such authority bearing upon 
his conduct we may well give to him the just respect which his lone: life 
of public service commands. The death of Colonel Mansfield occurred 
April 24, 1809, at the age of 88 years." (89 years, Lynn Vital Records.) 

was the son of Elisha and Ginger (Porter) Hutchinson. He was baptized 
in Salem (later Danvers) November 12, 1727. His occupation was that 
of house wright, and was so given in records of his enlistment at the age 
of '28",April 28, 1757, as a Sergeant in Captain Israel Kellog's Company 
of "rangers to scout upon the Eastern Frontier." He served until October 
6th of that year. From March 13 to August 7, I75 8 - he was a Lieutenant 
in Captain Andrew Fuller's Company, Colonel Jonathan Bagley's Regi- 


ment From May 6th to November 28, 1759, he was Captain of a company 
up the St. Lawrence River." On the Lexington alarm of April 10 1775 
he commanded a company of Minute Men, which marched from Dan vers' 
Ma y 3» J 775, he was engaged as Lieutenant Colonel in Colonel John M 
field's 7th Regiment, Provincial Army, and served under that officer until 
Colonel Mansfield's dismissal, when he became commander of the regi- 
ment without increase of rank. During 1776 he was Colonel of the 27th 
Regiment of the Continental Army. He was stationed with his men at 
Fort Hill in Boston after the evacuation by the British. He remained 
there and on Dorchester Heights until October of that year when he was 
sent to New York with his command, but as small-pox' broke out on his 
vessel, his men were not allowed to land. Later he commanded Fort Lee 
and Fort Washington. He crossed the Delaware with Washington and 
was with him in the retreat through New Jersey, and for his service re- 
ceived the approbation of his Commander-in-Chief. His orderly book 
from August 13, 1775 to July 8, 1776 has been published in the Massachu- 
setts Histoh'cal Society Proceedings, 1878 pp. 337-364. Upon bis return 
home in 1777 he was chosen to serve as representative to the Legislature. 
which office, together with that of councillor, he filled twenty-one years. 
In 1778 he was superintendent of recruits from Essex County and in [780 
served as Muster Master for Essex County to serve during the absence of 
Colonel Wade. He died March 16. 181 1, aged 84 years, leaving thirteen 
children, one hundred and eighteen grand children, and seven great grand 
children. "He was a brave soldier and an ardent lover of his country." 
A granite monument has been erected near the site of his home in Dan- 

MAJOR EZRA PUTNAM of Middleton, was the son of Ensign Ezra 
and Elizabeth (Fuller) Putnam. He was born in Salem Village (now 
Danvers Highlands) and was baptized there June 8. 1729. From Septem- 
ber 5th to October 30, 1755 he was Sergeant in Captain Samuel Flint's 
Company, Colonel Plaisted's Regiment on a Crown Point expedition. 
From October 31st to the end of the year he was Ensign in the same com- 
pany, and regiment. From January ist to July 21. 1760 he was Second 
Lieutenant in Captain Samuel Gerrish's Company. Colonel Frye's Regi- 
ment. On the Lexington alarm of April 19. 1775 he marched as Lieu- 
tenant in Captain Asa Prince's Company. May 3, 1775 he was emza^cd 
as Major in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment. Provincial Army. 
and he served through the year under Colonel Mansfield and Lieutenant 
Colonel Hutchinson. During 1776 he was Major in Colonel Israel Hut- 
chinson's 27th Regiment in the Continental Army. After the Revolution- 
ary- War he settled on the old farm, but in 1789 he and his wife joined 


his sons Ezra, David and John in Ohio. He was short but not of heavy 
build. He died in Marietta, Ohio, March 19, 181 1. 

ADJUTANT TARRANT PUTNAM of Darners was the son 01 
Samuel and Elizabeth (Putnam) Putnam. He was born in Salem (later 
Danvers) February 8, I743~4- He graduated from Harvard Colleg 
1763. On the Lexington alarm of April 19, 1775, he served as Ensign in 
Captain Edward Putnam's Alarm Company of Danver-. May 4, 1775 he- 
was engaged as Adjutant in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, 
Provincial Army, and he served through the year, under Colonel Mans- 
field and Lieutenant Colonel Hutchinson. In a communication to General 
Washington, November 1, 1775 ne was recommended to receive a warrant 
as Adjutant. January 1, 1776 he became Second Lieutenant and Adjutant 
in Colonel Hutchinson's 27th Regiment in the Continental Army. In the 
"Putnam Lineage" it is stated that "he was a bright progressive man. 
popular and fearless". He died in 1776, letters of administration being 
granted to his widow on the 6th of May of that year. 

Danvers) was the son of Samuel and Lydia Goodridge. lie was born 
about 1750. He w r as clerk of the Committee of Correspondence in Beverly 
in 1773-4, and a representative of Beverly at the Essex County Convention 
at Ipswich, September 6 and 7, 1914. On the Lexington alarm of April 
19, 1775 he marched as Corporal in Captain Israel Hutchinson's Company 
of Minute Men. May 20, 1775 he was engaged as Quartermaster in 
Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, Provincial Army, and served 
through the year under Colonel Mansfield and Lieutenant Colonel Hut- 
chinson. April 2, 1776 he was commissioned First Lieutenant in Captain 
Samuel Page's 7th (Danvers) Company in Colonel Henry Herrick's 8th 
Essex County Regiment of Militia. September 30, 1776 his name appears 
as First Lieutenant in Captain John Poole's Company, Colonel Jonathan 
Cogswell, Junior's 3rd Essex County Regiment. February 3, 1777 he was 
commissioned First Lieutenant in Captain Samuel Page's Company, 
Colonel Ebenezer Francis's nth Regiment, Massachusetts Line. October 
23, 1779, he was commissioned First Lieutenant and his name appears in 
a list of officers detached from the Militia to command men raised to 
reinforce the Continental Army. He died in Beverly, according to the 
First Parish Church Records, March 29, 1820, aged 70 years. 

SURGEON EDWARD DURANT of Holliston or Newton was the 
son of Edward, Junior and Anne (Jackson) Durant. He was born in 
Newton, March 31, 1735. From February 28th to December 5, 1760 he 
served as Surgeon's Mate in Brigadier General Timothy Ruggles's Regi- 


ment, and was reported omitted in the roll of January 22, 1761. August 
6, 1761 he received three months' advance pay as Surgeon's Mate in 
Colonel Jonathan Hoar's Regiment. May 3, 1775 he was en- 
Surgeon in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, Provincial Arm. 
he served under Colonel Mansfield and Lieutenant Colonel Hutchinson 
through the year. In a certificate dated "Continental Hospital, January 
24, 1776" Doctor John Warren, Surgeon of that Hospital, stated that 
Durant had served as Surgeon's Mate in said Hospital, ''the chief of the 
last campaign and part of the present", recommending him for further 
employment in the Continental Army on account of his faithfulness and 
ability. April 10, 1776 he was engaged as Surgeon in Colonel J 
Whitney's Additional Regiment, and probably served in that Regiment 
through 1776. In Jackson's "History of Newton", the statement is made 
that "he went privateering, during the Revolutionary War, and was never 
heard of afterward." 

of Danvers was in all probability the ''Nathaniel Oliver. Physician", 
of William and Rebecca (Sale) Oliver of Chelsea. The above Doctor 
Oliver is mentioned by Chamberlain in his "History of Chelsea", Volume 
II, p. /6, as having resided in Danvers and Marblehead. He was engaged 
May 4, 1775 as Surgeon's Mate in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, 
Provincial Army, and his name appears in a list of Surgeons and Surgeon's 
Mates made and examined and approved by a committee appointed for 
that purpose, July 7, 1775. He served through the year under Colonel 
Mansfield and Lieutenant Colonel Hutchinson, and during 1776 was 
Surgeon's Mate in Colonel Israel Hutchinson's 27th Regiment, Continen- 
tal Army. 

CAPTAIN JOHN BAKER of Beverly was probably the son of John 
and Anna (Bradstreet) Baker, born in Topsfienld, August 19. 1755. He 
was a yeoman and lived in Beverly and Wenham. His name appears as 
Captain in Colonel Israel Hutchinson's 19th Regiment in an undated list 
made probably in October, 1775. He served as Captain in Colonel Israel 
Hutchinson's 27th Regiment, Continental Army, during 1776. In the 
Salem Gazette of May 1, 1830, the following obituary notice appears: "In 
Beverly, N. Parish, Mr. John Baker, aged 75, a soldier of the Revolution 
and a pensioner." 

CAPTAIN THOMAS BARNES of Salem was commissioned in that 
rank in Colonel John Mansfield's Regiment, May 27, 1775, and served 
through the year under Colonel Mansfield and Lieutenant Colonel Hut- 
chinson. During 1776 he was a Captain in Colonel John Nixon's 4th Regi- 


ment, Continental Army. January i, 1777 he became Captain in Colonel 
Thomas Nixon's 6th Regiment, Massachusetts Line, and on the 6th Ol 
March 1779 was promoted to Major and four days later transferred to 
Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Carleton's 12th Regiment. Massachusetts Line. 
The statement is made in the Historical Register of the Continental Army 
that he was cashiered January 2, 1780, but if tins were true he wag evi- 
dently reinstated in the army for "Major Thomas Barnes" was a Revolu- 
tionary pensioner at the time of his death in Herbert Street, Salem, 
March 24, 1821, at the age of 69 years. 

CAPTAIN NATHAN BROWN of Salem, son of Nathan and Rebecca 
(Morss) Brown, was born in Newbury, October 30, 1742, "enlisted" May 
J 9> T 775 in that rank in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment. Provincial 
Army. He received his commission as Captain eight days later. He served 
through the year under Colonel Mansfield and Lieutenant Colonel Hut- 
chinson. During 1776 he was Captain in Colonel Israel Hutchinson's 27th 
Regiment, Continental Army. Heitman in his "Historical Register of the 
Continental Army" stated that he "served subsequently as Major in the 
Massachusetts Militia". He was commissioned commander of the Priva- 
teer Brigantine "Pluto", May 12, 1777. February 6, 1778 he was com- 
missioned command* 1 cf the Brigantine "Montgomery" an-I in July 1770 
commanded the Privateer Ship "Hunter" in the expedition against Penob- 
scot In a descriptive list dated January I, 1780, "age 37 years, stature 
5 feet 8 inches, complexion dark, residence Salem", his name appears as 
Captain of the Privateer Ship "Jack". He died in Salem in 1787. (His 
will dated November 13, 1783 was proved October I, 1787.) 

CAPTAIN GIDEON FOSTER of Danvers was the son of Gideon and 
Lydia (Goldthwaite) Foster. He was born February 13. 174S-9 m a 
house which stood on the Western corner of Foster and Lowell streets in 
what is now Peabody Square. On the Lexington alarm of April 19, 1775 
he was Second Lieutenant in Captain Samuel Epes's Company ot Minute 
Men, Colonel Timothy Pickering's Regiment. May 3, 1775 ne was en " 
gaged as Captain in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment. Provincial 
Army, and he served in that regiment at least until October 1st, and 
probably through the year. May 3, 1778 he was commissioned Captain 
in Colonel Larkin Thorndike's 8th Essex County Militia Regiment. He 
served the town of Danvers as Town Clerk four years. In 1792 he was 
promoted to the rank of Colonel in the militia and he became Brigadier 
General in 1796 and Major General in 1801. He died Saturday. November 
I, 1845, and was buried with military honors, the escort consisting of the 
Salem Artillery, the Danvers Light Infantry and the Lynn Rifle Corps. 
He was a man of "great energy, enterprise and industry." 


CAPTAIN EBENEZER FRANCIS of Beverly was the son of Ebcn- 
ezer and Rachel (Tufts) Francis, and was born in Medford, December 22, 
1743. He lived in Medford until he became of age, when he removed to 
Beverly. On the Lexington alarm of April 19, 1775 nc marched as Lieu- 
tenant in Captain Israel Hutchinson's Company of Minute Men. April 
1775 he was engaged as Captain in Colonel John Mansfield's 7th Regiment, 
Provincial Army. July 28, 1776 he was commissioned Colonel of a regi- 
ment organized for the defense of Boston and was stationed at Dorchester 
Heights. January 1, 1777 hebecame Colonel of the nth Regiment, Massa- 
chusetts Line, and marched to Ticonderoga. On Monday, July 7. 1777, 
he was killed at Hubbarton. near Whitehall, X. Y. In the journal of 
Captain Greenleaf, which volume is now preserved in the Massachusetts 
Historical Society Library, we read : 

"Colonel Francis first received a ball through his right arm; but still 
continued at the head of his troops until he received the fatal wound 
through his body, entering his right breast. He dropped on his face." His 
Chaplain wrote: "No officer so modest in his military accomplishments 
and regular life as he. His conduct in the field is spoken of in the highest 
terms of applause". A very interesting account of the meeting of s^me 
of the British officers of Burgoyne's Army, who were quartered near Med- 
ford as prisoners, and the widowed mother of Colonel Francis is narrated 
in Usher's "History of Medford", pages 179 and 180. Several of the 
officers told the deeply bereaved woman that they had seen her son after 
he was dead, and one of them, Captain Ferguson, restored to her Colonel 
Francis's watch which he had purchased of a drum-boy. Her profound 
gratitude and great grief deeply impressed them all. 

To be Continued. 


By Judge Francis M. Thompson of Greenfield, Massachusetts 

Including His Narrative of Three Years in the New West, During Which 

He Took in 1S62 a 3000-mile Trip From St. Louis up the Missouri, and 

Thence Down the Snake and Columbia Rivers to Portland, and to 

San Francisco, Returning in 1863. 

(Continued from No. J, Vol. VI) 

his own preservation compelled him to commit the deeds which gave 
him a bad name. The Indian scare calmed down when the snows came, 
and Plummer and Cleveland, his chum, went to the new mines on Grass- 
hopper, From being- friends the two became enemies, and Plummer let 
fall some expression which indicated that he was fearful that Cleveland 
in his oft repeated drinking - bouts, would disclose some secret concerning 
him, and during a melee in Goodrich's saloon in Bannack, Plummer shot 
Cleveland, inflicting wounds from which he died soon after. When Cleve- 
land lay wounded upon the floor of the saloon. Hank Crawford and Harry 
Phleger. two good men, took him to Crawford's cabin and cared for him 
until he died and saw his body decently buried. Plummer anxiously in- 
quired of Crawford what Cleveland, as he lay wounded, said of him. 
Crawford repeatedly told him, "Nothing." Plummer answered. " Tis well 
he did not, for if he had I would kill him in his bed." In answer to Craw- 
ford's inquiries Cleveland only said, "Poor Jack has got no friends; he has 
got it (his death wounds) and I guess he can stand it." In answer 
to Phleger's questions as to their differences, he said, "It makes no dif- 
ference to you," and died with the secret, if secret there was. For the 



present the miners did not trouble themselves about the shooting so long 
as it was confined to the members of the gambling fraternity. Foi . 
Plummer sought every opportunity to engage Crawford in a fight so I 
he might have a shadow of an excuse for his murder. At last 
his friends saw Plummer standing behind a wagon resting a ri!l< 
its wheel, evidently waiting for Crawford', appearance from his caDii 
the street and fairly driven by his friends to improve the opportunit 3 
save his own life by taking that of his persecutor, Crawford from the 
ner of his cabin shot at Plummer, the bullet entering at his right elbow 
and stopping at the wrist. Crawford fled to Port Benton where he was 
protected by Major Dawson until he was enabled to make his way down 
the Missouri, in the spring. 

When the true character of the man, Plummer, became known to the 
Vails and Miss Bryan, she was implored not to unite her destiny with 
such a character. 

It was at this time that I reached the farm upon my return trom tr.e 
Pacific coast. Sun river, upon my arrival was not in condition to be f< irded 
and hailing from the opposite bank Mr. Vail recognized me, and return- 
ing to the fort announced my arrival. Immediately Miss Bryan informed 
her sister that she would follow my advice in the matter of her marriage 
to Mr. Plummer. In a day or two I was enabled to cross the river ! 
was warmly welcomed by my friends. Hardly an hour had elapsed bef »re 
Mrs. Vail besought me to plead with her sister to give up her infatuation 
for her lover. She was a most devoted Christian woman, and loved her 
sister most tenderly and felt that she was responsible for her future, as 
would a mother for her daughter. I calmed her as best I could and soon 
Miss Bryan sought an opportunity to rehearse her love for her persecuted 
and maligned lover. To her unsophisticated soul, he was a pure, good 
man, persecuted beyond all endurance, and the fatalities which had" sur- 
rounded him were such that in no instance was he to be blamed. The 
little blind god had taken complete possession of her soul. She said that 
she loved Mr. Plummer, that she knew that he loved her, that she had the 
utmost faith in him, that the terrible stories of him were told by men not 
worthy of belief; that she could never be happy unless she married him. 
I asked her if she did not know that he had killed Jack Cleveland whoir 


*ne knew, and that even if the taking of his life was for just cause or not, 
whether she did not also know that in this country it was generally the 
case that a man who had killed another, died a like death? Whether she 
could afford to rush into such trouble which could well be avoided. I 
counselled her not to rashly make a change which was of so much impor- 
tance in her life, and urged the distress of her sister and her other friends. 
and advised her to await the arrival of the boats and then g<> home to the 
states and in the fall if she and Mr. Plummer remained of the same mind. 
he could then go and meet her. After a long time she gave her assent to 
the plan I had suggested and made some preparation for her journey. 
Her sister seemed much relieved at her decision. But a few days elapsed 
when Mr. Plummer made his appearance at the farm, to fulfil his promise 
to marry Miss Bryan. Rev. Mr. Reed, the Indian agent and the Vails" 
pastor at their Iowa home, was hourly expected. 

I had never before met Plummer. I knew that he had won the affec- 
tion of my young friend Swift, during his stay at the farm, and when I -aw 
him I could but wonder if this could be the young desperado whom people 
&o much feared. He was about five feet ten inches in height, weighed per- 
haps one hundred and fifty pounds, and was, as Langford well says, "In 
demeanor quiet and modest, free from swagger and bluster, dignified and 
graceful. He was intelligent and brilliant in conversation, a good judge 
ol men, and his manners were those of a polished gentleman." He seemed 
devoted to Miss Bryan, and I could not much wonder at her happiness 
when all my well intended advice was thrown to the wind and it was 
announced that the marriage would take place upon the arrival of Mr. 

From June 2nd to the 20th we all awaited the arrival of the boats 
which would bring Mr. Reed. Finally all hope of seeing the Methodist 
Elder was given up, and, as I have already written, Father Minatre from 
St. Peter's Catholic Mission was called in and the marriage was duly cele- 


I have already written that about the last of August, 1S63, I innocently 
piloted into Bannack a considerable party of road agents. While on our 
journey I learned that the men were named Doctor Howard, Chris. Lowry, 
James Romaine, Robert Zachery, William Page, Erastus Yager, (called 
"'Red"), John Wagner and Steve Marshland. They treated me with much 
consideration., not allowing me to furnish any supplies, but Dr. Howard, 
who seemed to be the leader of the party and claimed to be a graduate 
of the Yale Medical school, was very inquisitive in relation to my affairs. 
I frankly informed him that I had an assorted stock of goods on the way 
from Milk river, and that I did not have any money to pay the freight 
Mis, and would not be in funds until I realized from the goods. He 
claimed to be well acquainted with Mr. Plummer 01 whom he spoke in 
the highest terms, and claimed that he was an honorable man, and that his 
shootings had always been in self defence. His defence of Plummer gave 
me much pleasure, which was abruptly ended when Plummer himself 
told me, "They speak well of me for they don't dare do otherwise."' I 
.supposed that this referred to his office of sheriff and thought no more of 
it. When he told me that there were likely to be rough times ahead, he 
warned me never to open my store doors after retiring, (for I slept in my 
•store) without first finding out who desired admittance. He also assisted 
in piling up in front of my bunks packages of goods as a barricade, and 
nn arranging a port hole through them to be convenient in case of attack. 
'The Vails having taken up their residence at Bannack, they pressed me 
to make my home with them, and Mr. Swift and I consented to take our 
meals with them. Mr. and Mrs. Plummer also boarded there. Mrs. 
Plummer told me that Mr. Plummer was away from home so much attend- 
ing to his duties as sheriff, that she with his consent had concluded to 
go to her home in Iowa, and he was to meet her there in the fall. The 
second day after my arrival she took the overland stage for Salt Lake on 



her way east. While on our way from Deer Lodge with Dr. Howard 
and party we overtook the extensive pack train of Lloyd Magruder a 
wealthy trader from Elk City, Idaho; who was taking his goods for sale 
to Bannack City. At the crossing of the Rig Hole river he heard of the won- 
derful discoveries at Alder gulch, and decided to go with the crowd to the 
new mines. My late comrade only made a short stop in Bannack and went 
into Virginia City with the Magruder train. There he took a store and 
for six weeks was busily engaged in disposing of his stock of goods. Dr. 
Howard, Lowry, Romaine and Page assisted him in making sales, and 
made the store their headquarters and knew as well as did Magruder, of 
his accumulation of gold dust, greenbacks, and coin. He had a train of 
seventy good mules with their necessary outfit, and when he had sold out 
his goods had in his possession about twenty-four thousand dollars. When 
Magruder was ready to return to Elk City he engaged the quartette to 
assist him on his western journey. Besides Howard and his men. Charley 
Allen, who had been successful in mining operations, the brothers Horace 
and Robert Chalmers, who were new comers to the mountains, and Wil- 
liam Phillips, an old mountain man, accompanied the Magruder train for 
companionship on their journey west. 

For some reason known only to himself, perhaps a touch of pity. Ro- 
maine tried to persuade Phillips not to make the trip. Not until well on 
their way did Dr. Howard make known to Lowry and Romaine the whole 
of his murderous scheme, but they needed little persuasion to become 
partners in the crime. Meeting Bob Zachery in Bannack, Dr. Howard 
broached the matter to him, but as the murder of the five men was in- 
tended he refused to join the expedition. Crossing the Bitter Root valley, 
one October night the train wound its way near the summit of a pass 
through the mountains, a hundred miles away from any white settlement. 
The air was cold and the keen wind was the excuse for a bright fire when 
camp was made. When the pack animals were relieved from their bur- 
dens, and Page came to drive them away from the camp, Dr. Howard 
hissed to him, "Drive the animals a half mile from camp and don't come 
back 'till supper time, for we are going to kill Magruder and his four 
friends, ?.nd if you value your life don't you breathe a word to any living 
being/' Lowry killed Magruder with an axe as he was stooping toward 


the fire to take a coal in his pipe. It is unnecessary to detail the horrid 
particulars of the awful tragedy then and there enacted; suffice it to say 
that the heartless wretches completed with axe. pistol and knife the mur- 
ders they had planned. When the infamous Romaine came to Phillip* 
as he lay in his blanket, he said as he stabbed him, "I have to kill you, . - i 
old fool: I told you at Virginia city not to come." Page who had no 
hand in the actual murders, was found wrapped up in his blanket and was 
ordered by Howard to' assist in concealing the evidences of the great 
crime. Reserving for their own use the few personal belongings of their 
victims, they burned the rest and cast the remains of the saddles and 
indestructable property over a bluff into a deep canyon, together with the 
bodies of the five murdered men, hoping that wild beasts would soon 
make them beyond recognition. The murderers attempted to ride away 
and leave the animals with the exception of seven horses and one mule 
reserved for their own use, but the herd persisted in following the old bell 
mare, and they finally drove them into the canyon and shot them. 

Having as they thought concealed all traces of their awful deed, and 
being short of provisions, the robbers hastened toward Lewiston. and 
leaving their horses at a ranch outside the town, one of the party pur- 
chased tickets to Walla Walla. Hill Beachy, the stage agent at Lewis- 
ton recognized Dr. Howard, Lowry, and Romaine, as three of the roughs 
whom he had assisted in running out of Idaho a few months before. lie 
at once suspected that his friend Magruder had been murdered, and a boy 
who was then in his employ, but who had formerly been with Magruder, 
recognized a saddle left with the horses at the ranch, as one which was 
owned by Magruder. 

Another person was sure that one of the horses was the same that 
Magruder had when he left for Beaverhed. Hill Beachy determined to 
follow and arrest the men whom he believed had murdered his friends. 
One Tom Farrell volunteered to keep him company. When they arrived 
at Walla W r alla they learned that their quarry had left for Portland four 
days previously. At Portland they found that the robbers had sailed for 
San Francisco the day before. Beachy pushed on overland to Yreka where 
he was able to telegraph to the authorities at 'Frisco asking for the ar- 
rest of the murderers, and the next day at Shasta received word that the 


whole party were safely in prison. For four weeks Beachy fought for the 
extradition of his malefactors to Idaho, and having plenty of money Dr. 
Howard exhausted every means to prevent his success. At last Beachy 
had his prisoners on board the steamer hound for Portland, and upon their 
arrival at that place, Gen. Wright then in command, detailed a military 
escort to guard them to Lewiston. A great concourse of people met them 
at the wharf at that place, and shouts went up, "Hang 'em! Hang "em! 
string 'em up!" but protected by the military, Beachy succeeded in get- 
ting his prisoners to the hotel. 

He soon after appeared on the balcony and announced to the people 
that one of the conditions upon which the California authorities surren- 
dered the prisoners to him was, that they should have a fair trial under 
the law of Idaho. He asked that all who would uphold his pledged word, 
should stand upon the other side of the street, and they all passed over to 
the side of law and order. After manv delays a trial was had ; Page was 
allowed to turn state's evidence, and Dr. Howard, Lowry and Romaine 
were found guilty of murder, and sentenced to be hung on the 4th day 
of March, 1864. A gallows was erected in a circular valley near the town 
and on the fatal day, in presence of a great crowd, including the most of 
the Nez Pierce Indians, the three murderers met their just doom. 

A few weeks after Hill Beachy had witnessed the culmination of his 
efforts for justice, he and a few of Magruder's friends taking with them 
Page as guide, visited the place of the massacre, and tenderly gathering 
up the remains of the murdered men they returned with them to Lewiston 
where they were decently interred. Page remained for a season in 
Beachy's employ, shunned and detested by the people, but within a year 
was killed in a drunken row. Thus ended the lives of four of that pleas- 
ant party with whom a few months before I journeyed from Deer Lodge 

Beachy received from the United States mint seventeen thousand dol- 
lars, the value of the gold deposited by the robbers for coinage, and turned 
it over to Mrs. Magruder. After some years the Idaho legislature made 
an appropriation for the payment of the expense attending the capture 
and conviction of the murderers. Mr. Beachy died in San Francisco in 
1875, leaving many loyal friends. 


Beachy, in relating to Gov. X. P. Langford the story of the Magruder 
murder and its avenging, said that when he made up 'his mind to bring 
the murderers to justice, "I then felt that the time had come when I 
needed more than human help, and I went out to the bam and got down 
on my knees and prayed to the Old Father— and that's something I haven't 
been much in the habit of doing in this hard country— and I prayed for a 
half an hour; and I prayed hard; and I promised that if He'd only help 
me catch these villians, I'd never ask another favor of Him as long as I 
lived! and I never haver 

Langford in his "Vigilante Days and Ways," a work of great merit 
giving a true history of organization and work of the "Vigilance Com- 
mittee" says that Lloyd Magruder was a wealthy merchant of Elk city, 
Idaho, and that he fitted out his Beaverhead pack train at Lewiston and 
boarded at the "Luna House" which was kept by Hill Beachy, who was 
also agent of the stage and express line. They were boon companions 
and the day before Magruder set out with his rich stock of goods, Beachy 
had told his wife that he had dreamed that he had seen Chris Lowry dash 
out Magruder's brains with an axe. His wife wished to tell Magruder, but 
her husband forbade her; but so impressed was Beachy that he felt great 
relief when he learned that his friend had safely arrived at Bannack. The 
next day after Magruder left Lewiston, Dr. Howard, Lowry, Romaine, 
Zachery and some other gamblers left that place bound, as they announced, 
for Oregon, but after travelling about 50 miles in a direction that would 
allay any suspicion, they then turned and followed Magruder's trail toward 
the Beaver head mines. Page joined them later on in their journey. These 
were the men I found camped on the Deer Lodge and piloted into Bannack. 
In the marvelously rich placer mines at Alder gulch, many experienced 
miners soon accumulated sufficient means to satisfy their longings either 
by taking from the earth the shining scales of gold, or by selling their 
ground rights to greedy purchasers. With the prospect of a long winter 
before them during which enforced idleness must be the rule, many longed 
to return to the states, or to return to their old stamping grounds where 
the winter expenses would be much less. Inquiries in later days, made 
by friends of men who had been traced to these new mines, and were 
known to have been there, but who had suddenly disappeared, made it 


evident that many fell victims to the road agents who had established 
themselves along the route which travellers were compelled to take. Fear 
of robbery had become so great that persons who had determined to leave 
the country often secretly left without informing their nearest friends. 
At the head of a dry gulch between Bannack and Horse Prairie I dis- 
covered the remains of burned clothing, the jaws of a carpet sack, buttons 
and other debris which convinced me that a murder had been committed 
near that place. 

Henry Plummer had been elected by miner's meetings sheriff of all the 
different mining camps, many being convinced that his killings had been 
done in self defence, and all knowing that he had qualities which pecu- 
liarly fitted him for the duties of the office. He resided in Bannack and 
named deputies in the different mining camps. The men selected as 
deputies were acquiesced in rather than approved, but consideration was 
had that good law abiding citizens were scarce who would take their 
chances with the desperadoes and gamblers with whom they would be 
compelled to deal. Plummer's office was sufficient excuse for his frequent 
absence from Bannack, but after a few months the feeling grew, but could 
not be safely expressed, that our sheriff knew more concerning the fre- 
quent hold-ups and robberies than he saw fit to confide to those he called 
his friends. He was somewhat hampered by the presence and anxious 
inquiries of his loving wife, and she was sent to her old home in Iowa. 
Alter her departure robberies became more and more frequent. Being 
my fe'dow boarder at Mrs. Vails, I knew of all his absences and noticed, 
as my suspicions arose, that all the big hold-ups and robberies happened 
when he was away from home. I recalled his warning when I told him 
of Dr. Howard's arrival, and with what certainty he spoke of the future 
operations of the roughs. I became certain that he knew of the plans 
of the road agents before they were carried into execution. He was also 
the acknowledged owner of the Rattlesnake ranch located about fifteen 
miles from Bannack, which harbored a notorious lot of scoundrels. I 
could not breathe a word of my suspicions to my clerk and fellow boarder, 
young Swift, who loved Plummer like a brother, and indeed he was a 

loveable man. 

At last the climax came, and as usual, in an unexpected manner. Judge 


Edgerton and his nephew Wilbur F Sanders had become my intimate 
friends. I was almost daily at the Edgertons and he as frequently at m> 
den. One of the last days of October the stage coach from Virginia city 
came into Bannack with the story of its having been robbed a few miles 
out of Bannack. Among those relieved by the road agents was Frank R. 
Madison (a member of our company), Dan McFarden (known as "Bummer 
Dan"), Percy and Wilkinson. "Dan" had just sold out his claim and had 
$2,000 in a belt upon his rotund person. Bill Bunto the stage agent at 
Plummer's ranch had detained the coach over night, his excuse being that 
he could not find the change of horses. In the morning he took his seat 
on the coach with the driver and when the road agents covered the pas- 
sengers with double barrelled shot guns and shunted "Hold up vour hands" 
he went through that ceremony with the others, and cursed his luck with 
the stoutest. 

There was much excitement when the robbery was noised about in 
Bannack and Judge Edgerton being in my store when no one but us was 
present, I turned the key in the door and asked, 'judge, who is doing all 
this business?" He waited a moment, looked around the room, and said, 
"I think I know!" I exclaimed, "HENRY PLUMMER-" We then com- 
pared notes. He told me of the robbery of his ward Henry Tilden a 
young man living in his family. I knew of the robbery but not that Til- 
den had recognized Plummer as one of the robbers. A cow belonging 
to the judge had strayed and Tilden in his search for her had ridden to 
Horse Prairie ranch located about twelve miles out on the Salt Lake road. 
Returning toward Bannack soon after dusk he was held up by three 
highwaymen who ordered him to dismount ar.d throw up his hands. Look- 
down the muzzles' of three revolvers he found not pleasant and quickly 
obeyed the command given him. Finding only a dollar or two on his 
person, the robbers cursed him roundly and in their gentle manner told 
him that if they ever caught him in that condition again they would 
blow the top of his head off. They then permitted him to mount and 
Tilden rode toward Bannack with such reckless speed that his horse fell 
into a prospect hole, and his screams brought him help. 

Reaching home he excitedly declared that he had been robbed "and 
I know one of the robbers! It was Henry Plummer!" Immediately the 


Judge cautioned him and all the household never to tell of Tilden's sus- 
picions as it might cost them their lives. The effect of Crawford', bul- 
let in his arm had caused Plummer to draw his pistol in a peculiar 
manner, and Tilden had recognized him, although they were all masked 
Mr. Sanders was called in and Tilden told his story in full, and no doubt 
was left in the minds of these men but that Plummer was the leader of 
the gang. 

The presence of the robbers at that place at that time is accounted for 
by another story. My friends, Nathaniel P. Langford from St. Paul and 
Samuel T. Hauser 15 from St. Louis (a fellow passenger on the Emilie), two 
as brave men as ever served Montana, had determined to visit the states. 
Langford was a man peculiarly obnoxious to gamblers and men of that 
ilk, and had been shot at by one Ed French at Virginia city the day before 
that fixed for his departure. The bullet slightly abraised one eye, which 
had from riding in the alkali dust become so much inflamed by the time 
he reached Bannack, that he was detained there several days. His com- 
panion was to come to Bannack as soon as Langford had completed ar- 
rangements for their journey to Salt Lake. They had agreed to take to 
St. Louis for Dance & Stuart, merchants at Virginia city,. $14,000 in gold 
dust. Club-foot George was a clerk in Dance & Stuart's employ, and 
what he knew the road agent gang knew. Langford, at Bannack com- 
pleted arrangements with eight Salt Lake freighters traveling together and 
they set Nov. 14th at noon as the time to leave Bannack. When Hauser 
left Virginia city with his gold he found as his fellow passenger in the 
coach, Sheriff Plummer. The trip over the intervening seventy-five miles 
was a very pleasant one, and as usual when the stage arrived at Bannack 
the citizens gathered at Goodrich's to get the news and welcome any friend 
who might be a passenger. Judge Edgerton, myself and others were 
present when Hauser undid from his blankets the buckskin bag of gold 
and handing it to the sheriff, said, "Plummer, I hear that any man who 
has money isn't safe in this town, over-night. I've got fourteen thousand 
dollars in that bag which I'm goin to take to the states with me when I 
go, and I want you as sheriff to keep it for me 'till I start !" Plummer said, 
"That's all right, I'll take the gold and return it to you," a promise which 
he faithfully performed. He kept the money in George Chrisman's store 


over night. The Mormon train agreed to wait at Horse Prairie for Lang- 
ford and Hauser until five o'clock P. M. and then push on if they did not 
appear. Before noon a rumor arose in Rannack that rich silver veins had 
been discovered near the Rattlesnake (in the opposite direction from 
Horse Prairie) and among other men riding in that direction were Buck 
Stinson, Ned Ray and George Ives, who said that Plummer had been seen 
going that way and that he was the only person who knew the location 
of the discovery. Even so keen an observer as W. F. Sanders tried to 
find the trail of Plummer and spent the night at Rattlesnake ranch in the 
vain hope that Plummer would come there before he returned to Bannack. 
It was afterward proved that Plummer, Stinson, Ray and Ives crossed 
the Grasshopper above Bannack, and riding toward Horse Prairie were 
concealed by the roadside awaiting the arrival of Langford and Hauser 
when Tilden met with his experiences. While riding from Virginia city 
Plummer had presented to Hauser a large red woolen scarf, remarking 
that it would be a nice thing to have these coid days and nights on his 
long journey ; probably with thought that it might serve to identify the 
man who had charge of the bag of gold. After the little comedy with 
Tilden, thinking that Langford and his comrade had passed before their 
arrival, the quartette made a diversion around the Horse Prairie station 
and came out on the Salt Lake road beyond the camping place of the 
Mormon train. 

It happened that Langford and Hauser did not leave Bannack until 
seven in the evening and thus escaped meeting the party who intended to 
welcome them on the heights between Bannack and Horse Prairie. At 
night, the wagons being overcrowded, Langford took a buffalo robe and 
lay down under a wagon. Awaking before daylight and thinking he would 
get no more sleep, he took his rifle and went down to the creek to gather 
sticks to lay a fire. Wandering some distance below the camp, he thought 
he heard voices, and listening, his suspicions were confirmed, and creep- 
ing through the brush he caught sight of three masked men. A slight 
noise aroused the suspicions of the trio, or for some other reason they dis- 
appeared down a bank. Brave man as he was, his first impulse was 1 
alarm his companions, but the first flurry over, he determined to examine 
farther. Creeping to the bank he discovered four men, one of whom was 


holding four horses, in a former bed of the stream. Evidently the ma 
men feared that they had been discovered, for after a whispered conversa- 
tion they led their horses away, and were seen no more. The train and 
with it our friends and the bag of gold all reached Salt Lake in safety. 
When a few months later, Langford and Hauser returned to the mountain^ 
there had ceased to be any danger from road agents. 

I have already stated that Mr. Sanders was compelled to remain at 
the Rattlesnake ranch (owned by Plummer) after his vain search for the 
silver mine. Bill Bunton was the chief at the ranch and his aids were 
Frank Parish and Erastus Yager, or the man "Red" who was the cook 
when he accompanied me from Deer Lodge to Bannack. Parish, who was 
at this time keeping a Bannack squaw, was very sick and seemed likely 
not to live many days. When at last Sanders found Plummer he denied 
that he knew of any discovery of a silver mine, but said that he had learned 
that if Parish died, the squaw was to gather up all the horses and drive 
them to her tribe who were camped near Fort Lemhi, and he started that 
story to cover his intention to drive the horses to some safe place. After 
an exciting day Dr. Palmer, in attendance upon Parish, Yager, Bunton and 
Sanders spread their blankets upon the floor of the living room and were 
soon in dream-land. About midnight a terrible pounding upon the door 
brought Yager armed with a double-barrelled gun to his feet and a shout 
"Who's there!" A voice answered "Jack!" and in stalked Jack Galligher. 
His temper had been badly warped by a long search for the cabin in a 
driving snowstorm. He demanded something to eat and drink which 
necessaries Yager furnished, trying all the time to keep him quiet on :.c- 
count of Parish's condition. During Galligher's swagger, Sanders ia:scd 
his head and inquired if he know where Plummer was. Instantly Galli- 
gher covered Sanders with his revolver and swore that he would "shoot 
the top of his head off." But he had waked up the wrong pa-^enger : be- 
for Galligher knew it, Sanders jumped up and seizing Yager's gun which 
lay on the bar, he. covered Galligher, who threw his pistol on a table and 
tearing open his shirt told Sanders to shoot. He told him he had no de- 
sire to shoot anybody, but that if there was shooting to be done he in- 
tended to have the first chance. Things quieted down and Galligher, de- 
termined to do the handsome thing, would not be comforted until he had 

'•■ . 'ft 


treated the crowd. Silence came at last to the occupants of Rattlesnake 
ranch, but toward morning another alarm roused the sleepers. This time 
it proved to be caused by two sterling mcll f Bannack who were at the be- 
hest of his distressed wife hunting \\ . F. Sanders. 

Only a few days subsequent to these occurrences, three wagons uwned 
by Milton S. Moody left Virginia City for Salt Lake, via the Red Rock 
cut-otf a few miles below Bannack. Seven weil-knuwn business meu >„i 
Virginia City improved this opportunity to take with them about $ 
in dust for transmission from Salt Lake to their eastern creditors. The 
road agents were fully informed of this arrangement and John Wagner 
(Dutch John) and Steve Marshland, (both members of my Deer Lodge 
party) were selected to rob the train. One of the merchants, John Me- 
Cormick, had at one time, befriended George Ives, and in a moment of 
confidence he had warned McCormick to be always on his guard and not 
to sleep until the train had crossed the divide north of Snake river. It was 
afterward known that when the train was in camp in Blacktail Deer canyon, 
the two robbers crept up when the men were scattered in groups around 
the fire, eating their supper, and afterward retired a short distance for con- 
ference, that Dutch John tried to induce Marshland to attack at once, 
claiming that they could kill four at the first fire and by rapid firing and 
shouting give the impression that they were surrounded by a large party, 
and in their fright they would run and leave the train. Marshland thought 
it too risky and would not consent. 

While the campers were at breakfast next morning, hidden by a sharp 
point of rocks which caused a turn in the road, they heard a voice in a 
nearby thicket say, "You take my revolver and give me your gun, and you 
come right after me." In an instant every man made ready, and the 
click of the gun locks gave notice to the robbers that the game was against 
them and they drew off. A few hours later these two men rode into the 
noon camp with their guns ready for instant use, and making some cor- 
versation, made particular inquiry about some lost horses, and then rode 
on down the Salt Lake road. 

Two days later the train approached the divide, and the horsemen of 
the party rode ahead as was their custom, to select a spot for the night 
camp. Only three or four men remained with the train. Suddenly out 


from the brush close ' beside the way, rode two disguised men with 
double barrelled shot guns in hand, who shouted, -Hold up your hands 
every one of you or we will blow the tops of your heads off!" Instinctively 
up went every hand in sight, no one thought of resistance. While Marsh- 
land searched the men Dutch John covered first one and then anothei 1 
the victims. Marshland was nervous and did not discover a revolver in 
Moody's boot-leg or $100 in his shirt pocket. In the nrst wagon he se- 
cured a satchel containing $1,500 in greenbacks. As he climbed into the 
third wagon he was shot by Melancton Forbes who was inside, caring 
for a sick man, the charge entering his breast. Forbes had watched the 
robbers through a hole in the wagon cover and was prepared for them. 
Marshland jumped from the wagon and gained cover. As Dutch John 
fired at the driver the act caused his horse to rear which probably saved 
the driver's life. Then Moodv made use of his revolver wounding Dutch 
John in the shoulder, but before pursuit could be organized he was able 
to gain cover in the thick brush. Marshland's horse and twenty pounds 
of tea which he had stolen from a Mormon train were confiscated, but both 
robbers escaped. After overtaking those of their party who had chosen 
the camp a delegation returned to the place where the robbery took place, 
and followed the trail of Marshland. They found the missing greenbacks 
but they did not find either robber. Marshland afterward informed the 
vigilance committee, that at one time the men were within fifteen feet of 
him. Leaving this train to make its way to Salt Lake, we will now turn 
to another section of the country. 

Near where the road from Bannack to Alder gulch strikes the Stinking 
Water stood at this time Robert Dempsey's ranch. Situated in a beauti- 
ful valley with unlimited range of good pasturage, it became the place 
where nearly all those people, on Alder gulch (a branch of the Stinking 
Water) kept their stock. A German by the name oi Nicholas Tiebalt 
placed his fine pair of mules on this ranch for safe keeping. He afterward 
sold. them to Burtchy & Clark for whom he worked. Having occasion to 
use them, they sent Tiebalt down to the ranch to bring the mules to Vir- 
ginia City. Several days elapsed and Burtchv & Clark heard nothing of 
Tiebalt cr the mules, and concluded that he had sold the mules and gone 
to the states. Nine days after Tiebalt disappeared, one William Palmer 


shot a grouse as he was travelling toward Virginia City, and it lluitercd 
into the air for awhile and fell among- some bushes in a little ravine 
Searching for his bird he found it lying upon the fro/ci corpse of a man 
He went to the wickiup of John Frank (Long John; and George IJiMer- 
man not far away, and asked them to assist in putting the body into his 
wagon, so that he could take it to Nevada City (just below Virginia City) 
but they both refused to have anything to do about it. Palmer, however, 
without assistance loaded the body into his wagon and took it to his 
home in Nevada City. Here, when viewed by the public it became evident 
that the man had been dragged while still alive by a rope placed around 
his neck, through sage brush to the place of concealment, for his hands 
still contained pieces of the brush which he had clutched as he was dragged 
along. The discovery of this murder sealed the doom of the road agents. 
Before dark twenty-five brave and determined men had signed a written 
obligation that they would not disband until the country was free from the 
control of the desperate gang who were terrorizing the people. At ten 
o'clock at night, well armed, they took up their march for Dempsey's 
ranch. At break of day having arrived near Long John's wickiup, a bark- 
ing dog gave an alarm, but the scouts putting their horses into a run had 
surrounded the shack before its occupants were aroused. The leader, 
putting his head inside shouted, "The first man who rises will get a quart 
of buck shot in him before he can say 'Jack Robinson!'' With guns 
covering the prostrate men who could be seen through the entrance, the 
leader called out "Long John!" "I'm here," said that individual. "Come 
out!" Under the escort of four men Long John was taken to the spot 
where Tiebalt's body was found and he was charged with his murder. 
This he stoutly denied, but after long questioning he admitted that George 
Ives, then in the wickiup killed Tiebalt The men arrested at the wickiup 
were, besides Long John and Ives, Alex Carter. Bob Zachery, Whisky Bill. 
Old Texas, and Johnny Cooper. At Dempsey's they captured George Hil- 
derman and closely guarding them all they reached Nevada about sun- 
down. The members of the gang not yet captured, some of whom were 
not even under suspicion, immediately dispatched Club-foot George to 
Bannack to beseech Plummer to come to the rescue and demand that 
the prisoners be tried by a jury, well knowing that the sheriff by miners 


law would have the selection of such jury. But the assembled people 
had become the governing power at this time, and it was determined that 
the trial should proceed before all the people, but under the direction of 
twelve men appointed from each mining district, but the verdict sh< uld 
be by the people. Wilbur F. Sanders and Charles S. Hag- werc cho , .., 
to prosecute, and Alexander Davis and J. M. Thurmond had been secured 
by friends of the accused to defend the prisoners. All four were skilled 
attorneys and each exerted all his talents in conducting the case. Two 
days were spent in unprofitable wrangling and little advance had been 
made toward a decision, when a spokesman for the people assembled, 
announced that the trial must end by three o'clock in the afternoon. Long 
John had turned states evidence, each prisoner being tried separately, and 
George Ives being then on trial for killing Nicholas Tiebalt. In his testi- 
mony Long John said that Ives had told him the following words, "When 
I told the Dutchman I was going to kill him, he asked time to pray, and 
I told him to kneel down then. He did so and I shot him through the 
head just as he commenced his prayer." The scene of the trial was des- 
cribed by one who was present as something awful to behold. The sway- 
ing multitude; the deep silence which would fall upon the crowd when 
some witness told of the terrible deed of some member of the murderous 
gang; the intense interest of the few sympathizers with the accused; the 
citizen guard with loaded guns stationed to prevent any attempt at rescue; 
the murmerings of the large majority of the people who were impatient 
and disgusted at the long delay in arriving at judgment, made the whole 
wild scene a most impressive exhibition of the fearful passions inherent 
in humanity. 

It was nightfall before the special jury- took the case under consider- 
ation. The great crowd seemed stifled as they waited for their report 
After what seemed an age to the anxious people, a verdict of "guilty" was 
announced with only one dissenting voice, this being a man who believed 
that George Ives was a member of the road agent band, but that he 
did not actually kill Nicholas Tiebalt. A brave, honest man. The at- 
torneys for the accused put in a plea for adjournment, but the assembled 
people voted instead "that the report of the special jury be received and 
that the iurv be discharged." Wrangling again commenced, but a mo- 


tion "that the assembly adopt as their verdict the report of the committee" 
was put and carried. 

The counsel for Ives had vehemently opposed this, but the almost 
unanimous action of the people was an assertion that delay would no 
longer be tolerated. The leaders for good government now saw that there 
was necessity for immediate action, and W. F. Sanders made a motion 
"that George Ives having been proved guilty of the murder of Nicholas 
Tiebalt, he be immediately hanged by the neck until he is dead." Ives 
then realized his deadly peril and begged for delay until morning; he 
wished to write to his mother and sister. Some person in the crowd 
who knew that Ives had caused a letter to be written them some months 
before that he had been killed by Indians, caught Sanders by the hand 
and said. "Ask him how much time he gave the Dutchman?" Notwith- 
standing all this, ample time was given for his counsel to write several 
letters for him, and to execute a will by which he gave to counsel and 
some boon companions, all the property that he had, excluding his mother 
and sister. A hundred men with leveled guns surrounded the hastily 
erected gallows as Ives was placed upon the box below the fatal cord. 
When all was ready he was asked if he had anything to say, he replied 
in a firm voice, "I am innocent of the crime charged against me; Alex 
Carter killed the Dutchman!" At the word of command, "Men. do your 
duty!" the box flew from under the feet of George Ives and his soul went 
to a tribunal which could not err. In some never explained manner the 
fact of the arrest of Ives and the other road agents reached Plummer be- 
fore the arrival at Bannack of Club-foot George, the special messenger 
sent to him. He found the people wild with a story, started by Plummer. 
that a vigilance committee had been formed at Virginia City, that they 
had already hanged several of the best citizens of the district, and that 
a very large party were on their way to Bannack to hang him, Ned Ray. 
Buck Stinson and several of the most prominent and worthy men of the 
place, some of whom, he named. The dragging in of the names of respec- 
table people with those belonging to the gang, failed of the desired effect. 
The brave and determined stand of Wilbur F. Sanders at the Ives trial 
put him in the position of leader in this revolution for good government 
George Hilderman was next placed on trial. It was proved that he was 


knowing to Tiebalt's murder and kept silence; that lie knew of the nur- 
der of a man at Cold Spring ranch; that he kept the Tiebalt mules aft«W 
they were stolen; that he knew and associated with all the men who had 
taken part in the stage robberies and was a member of the gang; yet he 
was recommended to mercy by the jury who convicted him, and when 
told that he was given ten days in which to leave the country forever, he 
fell on his knees exlaiming "My God! Ts it so?" He then made full con- 
fession and fully confirmed all of Long John's testimony given at the 
Ives trial. Plummer assisted in getting him out of the country. Long 
John was permitted to go free because of his evidence at the Ives trial. 
The people were fully convinced that the safety of the community de- 
pended upon the extreme punishment of the gang of desperadoes, who 
were largely composed of men appointed as conservators of the public 
peace by the chosen executive officer of the several mining districts; the 
sheriff and his deputies. In the midst of this excitement came the appall- 
ing story of the murder of Lloyd Magruder and his companions by Dr. 
Howard and his pals. Magruder had made many good friends at Virginia 
city and his murder gave great impetus to the efforts of the Vigilance 

An executive committee of twenty-four men, selected for their sterling 
character and known bravery, well armed and fully equipped for long, 
cold riding, immediately set out for the capture of Alex Carter. As soon 
as Ives was executed, Carter, Bill Bunton, William Graves and some other 
suspects found that they had important business which required their 
prompt attention upon the west side of the Bitter Root mountain-, and in 
their sudden departure did not fully discriminate in the ownership of the 
horses they rode. The Vigilante scouts after crossing the Big Hole river 
in pursuit, while riding down Deer Lodge met Erastus Yager, my old com- 
panion, "Red." He was very communicative and informed them that 
Carter was just below at Cottonwood, drinking, and boasting that it 
would take thirty men to take him and his crowd. When the scouts 
reached Cottonwood they learned that the gang had received a letter from 
George Brown warning them that the Vigilantes were in pursuit, and the 
road agents had hastily fled into the mountains. Suspecting that "Red 
had been the messenger, they decided to return to the Beaver Head ranch. 


and arrest "Red" and Brown for interfering with the administration of 
justice. Terrible weather set in and the party were compelled to make a 
camp near the divide in which they were storm bound for two days, suf- 
fering intensely. Inquiry at the ranch established the fact that "Red' 1 had 
gone to Rattlesnake and that Brown was at Dempsey's. A detachment 
volunteered to go after "Red" and the main party agreed to wait for them 
at Dempsey's. At Plummer's ranch on the Rattlesnake they found Buck 
Stinson and Ned Ray, who informed them that "Red" was at a wickiup 
a short distance up the creek. "Red" surrendered without resistance and 
was taken to the ranch where the party remained over night. 

They then took "Red" to Dempsey's where the united party remained 
for the night, having Brown for their host. When ready to ride in the 
morning the captain took Brown one side for a private interview, and 
accused him of being a member of the gang and giving information to 
Carter. He admitted that he sent word to Carter, but declared that he 
was not a member of the gang. He was placed under arrest, and "Red" 
was privately interviewed, and then both were examined by the whole 
squad. Leaving the prisoners under guard, the rest of the squad rode to 
the bridge over the Stinking water, where they went over the whole 
evidence, and the men who were for conviction were asked to step across 
the bridge. Every man voted "Guilty. " Taking up their march toward 
Virginia City at Lorain's ranch other members of the Vigilance committee 
were met, a conference was held, and immediate action was decided upon. 
By the dim light of a lantern, ropes were thrown over a limb of a large cot- 
tonwood tree, and with little ceremony the souls of Erastus Yager and 
George Brow r n were launched into eternity. From the time of his cap- 
ture to the final scene, "Red" had shown most wonderful nerve. He asked 
no stay of punishment, said that he deserved it all and had for years, 
and that he would die content if he could see those far more deserving 
than he, hanged, or knew that they would soon suffer the same death. 
He acknowledged that he was a member of the gang, and thanked God 
that he had never taken a human life. He gave the names and offices 
of the men in the gang; Henry Plummer, chief; Bill Bunton, roadster: 
(he escaped to Salt Lake and was executed by the Utah government) ; 
Cyrus Skinner, horse thief and roadster; George Shears, the same; 


Frank Parish, the same; Hayes Lyons, telegraph man and roadster; Bill 
Hunter, the same; Ned Ray, keeper of the council room at Bannack; 
George Ives, Steve Marshland, William Graves ("Whiskey Bill"), [ohn 
Wagner (Dutch John), Johnny Cooper, Buck Stinson, Frank Pizanthia 
(Mexican), Bob Zachery, Boone Helm, Billy Terwilliger, Gad Moore and 
Club-foot George Lane, were spies and roadsters. Their oath bound 
them to follow and shoot at sight any other member of the organization 
who divulged any secret relating to their affairs, or who proved unfaith- 
ful to orders of the chief. They were to take life only when plunder 
could not otherwise be secured. Their pass-word was "Innocent" and 
they wore their neckties in sailors' knots, mustaches and chin whiskers. 
Yager said that Bill Hunter led him out of the path of rectitude years be- 
fore. He gave the names of those who had been engaged in the most 
startling robberies, and told of the commission of many unknown crimes 
by members of the gang, against persons who had secretly departed for 
the states. As he stood on the block beneath the gallows, he said, "Brown, 
if you had thought of this three years ago, you would not be here now 
and give the boys all this trouble." Thus passed out of life another of 
the party which I piloted into Bannack. 

Brown was a coward. He begged piteously for his life, and bemoaned 
the helpless condition of his Indian wife and his children in Minnesota. 
The Virginian City committee immediately equipped three of their number 
bearing a' a copy of "Red's" confession and sent them post haste to Ban- 
nack urging the formation of a Vigilance committee. The messengers ar- 
rived Sunday morning before day break and found that the leading citi- 
zens of the settlement were already in session deliberating what action 
it was best to take in regard to other members of the gang, present in the 

While the trial was in progress at Alder gulch, the robbery of the 
Moody train on the Salt Lake road took place. As the train moved on 
toward its destination it was met by Niel Howie and John Fetherstun who 
were bound for Bannack. Two braver men never lived than these. The 
train men thoroughly described the robbers and at the ranch at Horse 
Piairie they immediately recognized Dutch John, who in his wanderings in 
the mountains had frozen his fingers so badly that his sufferings drove 


him to risk appearance at the ranch. He had picked up a stray Indian 
who had 'helped him saddle and care for his horse. Howie and Feather- 
stun took Dutch John with them to Bannack and placing him in a room 
at Sear's hotel, Fetherstun stood guard while Howie sought some one 
with whom to counsel. He met Plummer, and told him that he had Dutch 
John who 'was charged with robbing Moody's train. Plummer offered to 
relieve him of the care of his prisoner and said he would have him tried by 
a miners' jury. Howie told him that he would first see a few friends about 
the matter. The people were then, and had for most of the night been in 
session, and just before Howie made his appearance, the three men from 
Virginia City had been admitted to the conference and were rehearsing 
"Red's" confession. An examination of Dutch John was decided upon, 
and a squad sent to the hotel to bring him in. John Fetherstun was a 
brave man, but a stranger in Bannack, and when fifteen came into the 
room where he held his prisoner, and one who seemed in authority laid 
his hand on Dutch John's shoulder and said "You are my prisoner!' 
visions of a rescue arose and covering his prisoner he determined to die 
rather than let his prisoner escape. His fears were, however, soon 
quieted and falling in with the squad he was taken with his prisoner 
to 'a large rear room of a store, where he not only found his chief, 
Niel Howie, but a large gathering of the leading men of Bannack. 
In the presence of this assembly, John Wagner was examined, and 
then sent away under guard to another place. Plummer, Ned Ray, 
Buck Stinson, and the Mexican, Pizanthia, were known to be in Bannack 
at this time. Men were placed to watch the corrals where the robbers 
kept their horses. An executive committee of picked men organized under 
a chief that knew no such word as fear, and the execution of these robbers 
was determined upon. In the early hours of morning all but the execu- 
tive committee sought needed rest. 

Sunday morning came, and an unusual silence seemed to brood over 
the little settlement at Bannack. Untold secrets were locked in many 
breasts which seemed suffocating to the owners. At the Vail house break- 
fast table, gathered Mrs. Vail and hcMWo children. Sheriff Plummer, my 
clerk Swift, and myself. Mr. Vail, if I remember correctly was absent 
from Bannack. Only one of that party possessed the terrible secret, and 



love for an individual and stern duty to a whole community struggled fof 
the mastery, in the bosom of that person. Patriotism, or prudence, I never 
knew which, gained the mastery and the sealed lips sounded no alarm. 
Judge Edgerton was early at my store and sat by the fire and talked, 
Buck Stinson's head suddenly appeared at the door, but lie said nothing 
and did not come in. Few people seemed moving in the village street, but 
again the store door opened and Ned Ray stepped in and made some casual 
remark. It was very evident that these men were very nervous and anxious 
to know what was taking place. Plummer had been ailing for several day? 
and had been at home much more than usual. At dinner he ate but little 
and soon laid down upon the lounge in the living room. 

A few of us had established a Sunday service and for that purpose had 
attractively arranged a small log cabin situated in the rear of Oliver's 
stage office, now known as "Hang-mans gulch" A. W. Hall from St. Paul, 
Mrs. W. F. Sanders, Miss Lucia Darling, (a nice of Judge Edgerton) and 
his daughter Martha, (now Mrs. Plassman) and myself constituted the 
choir. We were in the habit of gathering each Sunday evening at the 
Sander's cabin for rehearsal, and being at the Edgerton's when evening 
spread over the valley the young ladies made preparation to go to the 
Sanders home, as usual. Soon Mrs. Edgerton said. "Girls, you will not 
go to Yankee Flats this evening!" Murmurings were hushed by the 
heavy tread of many men on the footbridge over the creek, close by the 
Edgerton house. 23 In the dusk fifty or seventy-five armed men were dimly 
seen to be crossing to Yankee Flats. Seemingly without command, the 
men divided into two parties after crossing the bridge, and one squad 
silently surrounded the Vail cabin. A well known citizen rapped on the 
door, and when Mrs. Vail opened, he asked if Mr. Plummer was in. 
Plummer, who was lying on the lounge came to the door and the strong 
man threw his arms around him, pinioning his arms to his body. Not 
\feeling well he had taken off his belt containing his pistol and heavy 
jenife and laid them beside him on a chair, a most unusual thing for him 
to do. He always went armed even in the house. He was allowed to 
put on his coat, and quietly exerted himself to calm Mrs. Vail's excited 
condition, telling her he was needed to do something about Dutch John. 
The armed men closed in around the prisoner and at the bridge were 


met by the other squad, who had been equally successful in arresting Ned 
Ray at the cabin of a Mr. Tolland, where he boarded. Stinson was after- 
ward found asleep on a billiard table in one of the saloons. No attempt 
was made that night to find the Mexican. 

The prisoners were taken to a gallows which Plummer had erected 
as sheriff, for the execution of one John Horan. convicted by the Miner's 
court of the murder of Lawrence Keely in 1862. which stood near our lit- 
tle log meeting house. Hardly had the party passed the Edgerton house 
than in came Mrs. Vail hysterically calling for me. Mrs. Edgerton was a 
most motherly woman and calmed her as best she could, and then I took 
her home. I told her that Mr. Plummer's being taken, had some con- 
nection with Dutch John's arrest, as indeed it had : in fact. I told her 
anything which I thought would allay her excitement, and awaited events 
with nervous apprehension. After a long time I saw a man standing be- 
fore the cabin. I went to the door and spoke to him. He simply said 
"It is all over! ,, Then came the hardest trial of my life, to tell this 
woman the true life and of the death of Henry Plummer. She dropped 
to the floor in a swoon, and I called Mrs. Sanders and returned to the 
Edgertons. At the gallow r s a most pitiful scene was enacted. Plummer 
begged in abject misery for his life — for the sake of his young wife — for 
the sake of Mrs. Vail — for time to pray. He was too wicked to be rushed 
into eternity without preparation — they might maim him in any manner, 
only spare his life and he would leave the country forever. The Vigilante 
chief told him that he had a duty to perform which was as hard as 
death itself, but that there would be no change in the decree ; that they 
all must hang. A young man who had been won by Plummer's loveablc 
qualities and had just learned of his danger, now rushed in and embrac- 
ing Plummer begged for his life, and had to be forcibly removed from the 
scene. When everything was ready and the command "Bring up Ned 
Ray" rang out from the chief, the committee lost no time in placing 
that individual on a box beneath the halter, for both he and Stinson, 
ever since their arrest, had spent their breath in cursing and swearing, 
using the most provoking and vile epithets toward the Vigilantes, and 
the public, that their unlimited command of villainous language en- 


abled them to do. Soon the body of Ned Ray was dangling at one end 
of the beam. Plummer had become calm and as Stinson stood under 
the noose and offered to confess, Plummer told him, "We've done 
enough already to send us all to hell!" There was no hesitation on the 
part of the committee in disposing of two such bloody rascals as Ray 
and Stinson. 

But now came a moment of suspense. Under the gallows which he 
had erected and used as an officer of the law in sustaining good gov- 
ernment, stood a nice clean looking young man, only twenty-seven years 
of age, of pleasing and affable manners and of good ability, who had at- 
tracted many friends. The ardent affection exhibited by his impulsive 
young friend who was a general favorite with the public, also created 
a; certain sympathy with the assembled crowd. Plummer no longer 
begged for his life, but only that he be given a good drop. He took hi 51 
scarf from his neck and casting it to his young friend, said. ''Keep that 
to remember me by." When all was ready and the order came, no man 
stirred. A moment, and then came the stern command, "Men! do your 
duty !" and several strong men lifted the body of the robber chief as 
high as they could reach, and dropping it, he died almost without a 

Heredity had nothing whatever to do with the terrible criminality oi 
Henry Plummer, who gained such noteriety as chief of "The Road 
Agents of Montana." He was a native of Connecticut, born of respecta- 
ble parents, and his deviation from the rath of rectitude resulted from 
leaving home influences while yet a youth into bad company. He be- 
came a gambler, a seducer, a murderer, an escaped convict, and was 
charged with killing a pursuing officer at the time of his escape from the 
California penitentiary. He was a leader in many crimes which are 
"rampant in most mining towns in their early days, and his career in 
Lewiston, Oro-Fino, and other camps upon the west side of the moun- 
tains made it necessary for him to seek some country where he was not 
so well known. 

For a few months we were by chance thrown into close companion- 
ship, and our personal relations were pleasant and agreeable, except upon 


one occasion. January i, 1S04, Jm%e Edgerton's daughter MattlC. 
Misses Amoret 'Gecr and Emma Zoller, came into my store and I was 
busy weighing the young ladies, when the door opened and Plummer 
came in. We were all talking and laughing, when a young man whose 
name has escaped my memory, but who was in some way connected with 
Oliver & Co's express walked in. Immediately both men began to fum- 
ble for their arms, and I saw that there was to be trouble. As they 
approached each other both began cursing and the young ladies fled 
shrieking to the street. I ran between the two men facing Plummer 
and put my two hands against his shoulders which hindered him from 
quickly getting at his heavy sheath knife. His opponent was unable to 
release his pistol in time to shoot, as I had crowded Plummer to the 
rear door of the store where he made a lunge by my face with his 
knife, but was unable to reach his victim. I threw open the rear door 
and pushed Plummer out and his opponent vanished by the front door 
and was hustled out of town by Oliver & Co. If I ever understood the 
quarrel between the two men I do not recall it, but Plummer afterward 
apologized for beginning a quarrel in my store, and more especially 
when ladies were present, but said that [ saved the rascals life. His 
own career ended ten days later. This was the only time that I ever 
saw Plummer otherwise than gentlemanly and polite. He was ever 
so at our meals with the Vail family and Mr. Swift. 

After the execution. Dutch John remained in the hands of his keepers 
and on Monday morning a few of the principal men of Bannack met to 
consider his case. He was brought in for examination, and as he re- 
cognized me, he held up his frozen hands and said, "Dr., see those 
hands." His condition was sad enough to excite pity in a savage. 
Further action in his case was delayed by excitement on the street. A 
large armed party were engaged in a search for the Mexican, Jo 
Pizanthia, who was a member of the gang. When in his cups he had 
often boasted of having been a member of the celebrated Waukeen's 
band of robbers in California. Many knew that he had recently been 
shot through his chest in a drunken brawl and that he was concealed 
in some cabin or prospect hole in the gulch. 


Just down the creek bank at the rear end of my store was a little 
miner's cabin, and as a party of which Smith Rail, the only honest 
deputy of Sheriff Plummer, was leader, pushed open the door of his 
hut, Ball received a bullet in his leg, and George Copley, who was next 
to him was shot in the breast and immediately expired. The citizens 
were wild with fury at Copley's death, and opened fire on the cabin. 
Ball having tied a handkerchief over his wound and continuing in the 
attack. Xo person was so rash as to approach the cabin and learn the 
effect of their fusilade. In the excitement some wild shooting was done, 
and several bullets came through the door and window of my store. I 
noticed the chief justice of Idaho among the gathered citizens, armed with a 
Henry rifle, and as soon as decency would permit, betook myself inside 
my log walls. Pretty soon a party appeared dragging by a long lariat, a 
small brass cannon belonging to Judge Edgerton. They took a large 
packing box from my store and mounting the gun upon it bombarded 
the cabin with explosive shells. The enemy making no reply some bold 
man pushed open the cabin door, and discovered the Mexican lying upon 
the dirt floor, partially protected by a spare door. The lariat which had 
been used on the gun was slipped upon the Mexican's neck and some 
small lad shinned up a tall pole standing by a prospect hole, and the body 
was jerked to the top in a very short time. As the body swung in the 
air it was filled with bullets, and a hundred hands made short work of 
pulling down the cabin, and piling up the debris to which they set fire 
after putting the Mexican's body upon the funeral pile. I could not but 
moralize upon the sudden change in human feelings and conditions, as I 
saw a man the next morning panning out the ashes of the Mexican, hop- 
ing to find that he had gold dust upon his person when he was killed! 
Yesterday the people were excited with the most extreme passions of 
vengeance and destruction; today returned to the practical things of life! 
After hearing the final confessions of Dutch John, the citizens meet- 
ing unanimously decided that he must die. His statement tallied with 
that of "Red," and that was the only trial these remaining road agents ever 
had. The decision was reduced to writing and a messenger read it to 
the miserable man. He was informed that he had but an hour to live, 
and that no change would be made in the decree. At first he begged 


for life, but soon became calm and asked that some German write to his 
mother at his dictation. When this letter was prepared and read to him, 
he was not satisfied with it, and unbound his frozen fingers and wrote 
himself. He informed her that he was to die at once, that he had been 
led into bad company, that he had helped rob a train, that his companion 
was shot, that his punishment was extreme, but that it was just. Many 
of the spectators deeply sympathised with noor John, and he seemed too 
manly and inoffensive to have his life snuffed out in such cruel manner. 
On a bench in the unfinished store where he was taken for execution, 
lay the dead body of his leader, dressed for burial ! On the floor near 
at hand lay the ghastly remains of Buck Stinson who had often been 
his companion in wicked transactions. Amid these surroundings the 
young desperado knelt down and asked the Father of all to forgive his 
great iniquities. As he mounted to the top of the barrel which had been 
placed under the beam, he was the calmest person in the building. "How 
long will it take me to die?" "T never saw a man hanged!" "It will be 
very short, John/' "You won't suffer much pain." Suddenly by an at- 
tached cord the barrel was jerked away, and John Wagner had paid the 
penalty of his crimes. So passed from life another of the party whom 1 
piloted into Bannack! 

Mr. Plummer, sometime before his death had deposited with me 
quite a little sum of money. After consulting with Judge Edgerton, Mr. 
Sanders and some others, I paid from this fund for a coffin and the ex- 
penses of a decent burial, and the remainder I sent by draft to Mrs. Plum- 
mer in Iowa. I never received any reply to my letter telling her of Mr. 
Plummer's death or whether she ever received the remittance, I do not 

It was carefully concealed from me at the time, but I afterward 
learned that a physician in Bannack, robbed Plummer's grave, and took 
therefrom his skull and his forearm which carried the bullet lodged in 
it by Hank Crawford's shot, and that the bullet was worn smooth and 
polished by the bones turning upon it. 

Plummer was executed Jan. 10, 1864, and three days later the Vigi- 
lantes surrounded Virginia City at night fall, as it was known that George 
Lane, Frank Parish, Jack Galligher, Hayes Lyons, Boone Helm and Bill 


Hunter were hidden in town. As they drew in their lines all these men 
were secured but Bill Hunter, who crawled by the picket in a mining 
ditch and escaped for the present, but was afterward captured. No de- 
lay occurred in completing arrangements for the execution of these des- 
peradoes, and they were all placed upon the same scaffold and swung off 
consecutively. The victims were placed on boxes about three feet high. 
to each of which a cord was attached, and the fall was sufficient to break 
the necks of the condemned men. Club Foot George was the first to 
suffer, and as he caught the eye of an acquaintance he exclaimed, "Well 
good bye old fellow, I'm off" and leaped from the stool and died with 
hardly a struggle. He had tried to get Judge Dance to intercede for 
him, and when he told him he could do nothing for him, he said "You'll 
pray for me, won't you?" "Most willingly, George'' and kneeling down 
with George on one side and Galligher on the other he put up a fervid 
petition for the doomed men. The committee had assured ''.he sufferers 
that any requests they wished to make should be complied with so far 
as was possible, and Galligher standing with the halter about his neck 
called for one more drink of whiskey. The committee and the people 
were astounded, but soon a miner called out, "You promised ! let him 
have the whiskey." The bravado's wishes were complied with, but the 
rope being too taut for him to drink with ease, he shouted '"Slack that 
rope and let a man take a parting drink, won't you?" He cried and 
swore by turns. As he exclaimed "I hope forked lightening will strike 
every strangling villain of you," the box flew from under his feet and 
his effort to close with an oath was forever cut short. Seeing the con- 
tortions of Galligher's body, Boone Helm exclaimed, "Kick away old 
fellow; my turn comes next. I'll be in hell with you in a minute 
"Every man for his principles; Hurrah for Jeff Davis! Let her rip!" 
The twang of the fatal cord was the signal of almost instant death. 
Frank Parish had been completely subdued ever since his arrest, and ac 
his request his face was covered with his black neck-tie as he speech- 
lessly ended his career. Hayes Lyons had steadily hoped that he might 
at last be saved from the fatal knot, but when he found this would not 
be allowed, he requested that his body might be given to his mistress, and 
said that the watch he wore belonged to her. He was especially charged 


with the murder of W. S. Dillingham who had been appointed a deputy by 
Plummer, but had proved to be an honest and worthy young man, who 
had imparted information to a person who was likely to be robbed by 
some members of the gang. For this he was killed by Stinson, Lyons, 
and Charley Forbes, the latter being killed on the Big Hole, by Augus- 
tus Moore, who was also a member of the gang. The execution of 
Lyons, ended the active labors of the committee for that time at Virginia 
City. The remaining members of the road agent band had made every 
effort to escape from the country, but fate was against them. The great 
depth of snow on the Bitter Root range became an effectual barrier to 
their escape from the little mining towns to which they scattered. 

It is due to the reader and to my own feelings that I express im r 
horror and disgust at having felt compelled to put down so fully the 
bloody transactions which took place, at this period of the history ol 
this section. But in no other way could I express with fidelity the actual 
condition of affairs in this community at this time. Far from the con- 
trol of any organized government, the people felt compelled in their might 
to rise and show the gamblers, robbers, and murderers, that they could 
no longer terrorize the people. I have only particularized in my rela- 
tion except in cases of members of the gang with whom by peculiar cir- 
cumstances I had been more or less intimately associated. 

After this terrible period had fully passed and some new comer came 
into Bannack, and made inquirv concerning the times and the road agents 
Judge Edgerton was wont to clap me on the shoulder and say, "Thomp- 
son is the only one left of his gang !" His vivid explanation of the mean- 
ing of his words, always gave me a feeling of relief and of re-established 
respectability. Of Dr. Howard's party, referred to by Judge Edgerton as 
my party, only the fate of Steve Marshland and Bob Zachery remain 
untold. Marshland was the man who at Deer Lodge was unable to ride 
his horse, and lending the animal to me, rode in my "go-devil." His 
"sickness" was the result of a gun shot received while stealing horses 
near Lewiston. He was gentlemanly in his manners and used good langu- 

Twenty-one brave and determined men left Virgiia City, January 21, 
to find and execute Steve Marshland, Cyrus Skinner, Alex Carter, Johnny 


Cooper, George Shears and Bob Zachery. These members of the road agent 
gang had fled to Deer Lodge with the expectation of escaping over the 
mountains to Lewiston, which the deep snows prevented them from doing. 
A detachment from the Vigilantes found Marshland at Clark's ranch on 
the Big Hole river. He was the only person at the ranch and was in bed 
suffering from the wound which he had received when he robbed Moody 5 
train on the Salt Lake road, and from his frozen feet while wandering in 
the mountains. It is unnecessary to give the particulars of his execu- 
tion by hanging, the gibbet being a pole projecting from the corral fence 
His taking off, disposed of one more of my summer party on the Ban- 
nack road. When the Vigilantes approached Cottonwood, their scout 
reported that all the birds had flown, but Bunton and "Texas."' Riding 
up to the door of the cabin at night, Bunton refused them admission, ard 
when compelled to admit them he blew the light out. He was ordered 
to light up again and at length complied with the command, though grumb- 
lingly. Bunton was immediately grappled by a lusty Vigilante, but he 
was unable to secure him, without the aid of others, who bound his 
wrists with cords. When he became convinced that nothing would 
change the intention of the squad to hang him, he declared to the cap- 
tain that he had no fear of death ; "I care no more for hanging than I 
do for taking a drink; but I should like a good drop. I wish I had a 
mountain three hundred feet high to jump from' May I jump?" Beh:g 
assured that he might, the noose was adjusted, and when he was placed 
upon a box under the cross-beam of the corral gate, he said, "I'll give the 
word, one-two-three!" and at the last word he jumped into eternity. 
Texas being tried and no evidence of actual murder having appeared, 
but only that he had acted as a stool pigeon, he was set at liberty, and 
he pushed out at once for the Kootnai mines. 

It was mid-winter and the cold was bitter indeed, there were no 
bridges in the country and every icy stream had to be forded, on even- 
elevation the snow lay at great depth ; but notwithstanding all these dif 
ficulties, these intrepid men kept on down the valley of the Hell Gate. 
and found in the Bitter Root valley, Alex Carter, Cyrus Skinner and 
Johnny Cooper, whom they executed. Thomas D. Pitt, captain of the 
6quad, learned that a stranger was stopping with "Baron" C. C. O'Keefe, 


of O'Keefe Castle, at Korakin Defile, and sent a detachment of eight men 
to learn whether or not the stranger was one whose presence was desir- 
able at headquarters. He proved to be Bob Zachery. While taking the 
prisoner to the home camp, Baron O'Keefe, who was riding with them, 
incidentally mentioned that another unknown man was stopping at Van 
Doom's cabin, in the Bitter Root valley. Three men rode to the place. 
and at the door of the shack, inquired if George Shears was in Van 
Doom answered that he was, and Pitt asked if he could come in. Upon 
the door being opened Shears was discovered, knife in hand, but he of- 
fered no resistance, but said, "I knew I should come to this some time, 
but did not think it would be so soon." As he walked to the corral he 
pointed out to Pitt, horses that he said he had stolen, and then was taken 
to the barn, where the men had already attached a rope to a high beam 
Shears was good natured, and in order to save the men the trouble of 
arranging a drop, he cheerfully complied with their request that he climb 
up a ladder and jump from it. When he had climbed a sufficient height 
he said, "I never was hung before and am not much used to this business; 
shall I jump or slide off." The answer came, "Why jump, of course." 
"All right! good bye!" So was snuffed out the life of another of those 
red handed wretches whose lives had been forfeited by their crimes. 

The squad who had Zachery in custody, overtook the main party. 
and a conference was had at which the execution of that robber was 
decided upon. When his fate was made known to him he dictated a 
letter to his mother in which he warned his brothers to avoid bad com- 
pany, declaring that drinking, gambling, and bad company had brought 
him to the gallows. When the fatal cord was adjusted he broke forth 
in prayer "that God would forgive the Vigilance committee for what they 
were doing, as it was the only way to clear the country of road agents." 
Zachery died without exhibiting any fear, and apparently with little suf- 
fering. He was a member of that party which I escorted from Deer 
Lodge to Bannack, and of whom I was now the only survivor in the 
Country. Having as ^they thought, finished the business which had 
brought them to Hell Gate, the party made preparations to start for 
Nevada City, when intelligence arrived that William Graves (Whiskey 
Bill) was at Fort Owen, some distance up the Bitter Root valley. He 

To be Continued. 


Prepared by Charles A. Flagg 

Authors' names italicized 

Baker, John, 6. 

Beard, Thomas, 7. 

Beggerly, (Beckley) Alice. 7. 

Black, Mr., 7. 

Brackenbury, William, 7. 

Brand, (Brude) Thomas, 7. 

Bright, Rev. Francis, 7. 

Browne, John, 8. 

Browne, Saumei, 8. 

Claydon, Barnaby, 8. 

Claydon, Richard. 8. 

Converse, Edward, 8. 

Criticism and Comment Department, 
95. 144. 

Dady, William, 8. 

Dixey, Capt. William, 8. 

Dodge, William, 9. 

Eedes, William, 9. 

Ewstead, Richard, 9. 

Farr, George, 9. 

Flagg, Charles A., Massachusetts Pio- 
neers, Michigan Series, 20. 137. 

Pointers for Beginners in Geneal- 
ogy, 51. 

Fort Benton, 28. 

Gardner, Frank A.. M. D., Colonel John 
Mansfield's 1775 Regiment, 147. 

Colonel Paul Dudley Sargent's 

1775 Regiment, 82, 125. 

Higginson-Skelton Migration to 

Salem in 1629, 1. 

Garrett. Hugh, 10. 

Coffe. Mr., 10. 

GenealQgv, Pointers for Beginners in, 51. 

Graves, Mr. Thomas, 10. 

Hanscombe. Thomas, 10. 

*iaughton. Elder Henry, 10. 

Howard, Richard, 10. 

Higginson, Rev. Francis, 11. 

Higginson-Skelton Migration to Salem in 
1629, 1. 

Hoyte, Simon, 11. 

Ingersol, Richard, 11. 

Leech, (Leach) Lawrence, 12. 

Mansfield's Regiment. 1775, 147. 

Massachusetts Pioneers, Michigan Series, 
20, 137. 

Meech, John, 12. 

Miller, Syndrach, 12. 

Moulton, Robert, 12. 

Norton, (George), 13. 

Palmer, Abraham. 13. 

Palmer, Walter, 13. 

Palmer, Walter, 13. 

Palsgrave. Mr. Richard, 13. 

Pointers for Beginners in Genealogy, 51. 

Pratt, John, 13. 

Reminiscences of Four-Score Years, 28, 
63, 99. 159. 

Rickman, Isaac, 14>. 

Rvall, (Royal) William, 14. 

Sales, John. 15. 

Sargent's Reeiment, 1775, 82, 125. 

Shame, Mr. Samuel. 15. 

Skelton. Rev. Samuel. 16. 

Smith. Rev. Ralph, 17. 

Stowers. Nicholas, 18. 

Strickland, John, 18. 

Thompson, Judae Francis M., Reminis- 
cences of Four-Score Years, 28, 63. 
99. 159. 

Tillv. Hugh. 18. 

Vieilantes, 162. 

Waterman, Richard. 18. 

Whitcomb. John, 19. 

Wilson, Mr. Lambert, 19. 

2733 X